Ukrainian nationalism | Wikipedia audio article

Ukrainian nationalism | Wikipedia audio article


Ukrainian nationalism refers to the Ukrainian
version of nationalism. Although the current Ukrainian state emerged
fairly recently, some historians, such as Mykhailo Hrushevsky, Orest Subtelny and Paul
Magosci, have cited the medieval state of Kievan Rus’ as an early precedent of specifically
Ukrainian statehood. The origins of modern Ukrainian nationalism
have also been traced to the 17th-century Cossack uprising against the Polish–Lithuanian
Commonwealth, led by Bohdan Khmelnytsky.==Cossack nationalism==
The Cossacks played a role in re-awakening a Ukrainian sense of identity within the steppe
region. A dominant figure within the Cossack movement
and in Ukrainian nationalist history, Bohdan Khmelnytsky (c. 1595 – 1657), commanded
the Zaporozhian Cossacks and led the Khmelnytsky Uprising against Polish rule in the mid-17th
century. Khmelnytsky also succeeded in legitimizing
a form of democracy which had been practiced by cossacks since the 15th century. This sense of democracy played a key part
of the sense of ethnic identity. Bohdan Khmelnytsky spoke of the liberation
of the “entire Ruthenian people” and recent research has confirmed that the concept of
a Ruthenian nation as a religious and cultural community had existed before his revolution. Modern Ukrainians still remember and glorify
Khmelnytsky’s role in the history of Ukraine. Another prominent figure in Cossack nationalism,
Hetman Ivan Mazepa (1639-1709), made large financial contributions focused on the restoration
of Ukrainian culture and history during the early 18th century. He financed major reconstructions of the Saint
Sophia Cathedral in Kiev, and the elevation the Kyiv Mohyla Collegium
to the status of Kyiv Mohyla Academy in 1694. Politically, however, Mazepa was misunderstood
and misrepresented, and found little support among the peasantry.==Ukrainian nationalism in literature==
One of the most prominent figures in Ukrainian national history, the Ukrainian poet Taras
Shevchenko, voiced ideas of an independent and sovereign Ukraine in the 19th century. Taras Shevchenko used poetry to inspire cultural
revival to the Ukrainian people and to strive to overthrow injustice. Shevchenko died in Saint Petersburg on March
10, 1861, the day after his 47th birthday. Ukrainians – not only the citizens of Ukraine,
but Ukrainians who live throughout the world – regard him as a national hero. His collection of poetry Kobzar was the second
book in almost every Ukrainian household in the beginning of 20th century (after the Bible). He became a symbol of the national cultural
revival of Ukraine. Beside Shevchenko numerous other poets have
written in Ukrainian. Among them, Volodymyr Sosyura in his poem
Love Ukraine (1944) stated that one cannot respect other nations without respect for
one’s own.==Ukrainian nationalism in the 20th century
=====
World War I===With the collapse of the Russian Empire a
political entity which encompassed political, community, cultural, and professional organizations
was established in Kiev from the initiative from the Association of the Ukrainian Progressionists
(abbr. TUP). This entity was called the “Tsentralna Rada”
(Central Council) and was headed by the historian, Mykhailo Hrushevskyi. On January 22, 1918, the Tsentralna Rada declared
Ukraine an independent country. This independence was recognized by the Russian
government headed by Lenin, as well as the Central Powers and other states. However, this government did not survive very
long because of pressures not only from Denikin’s Russian White Guard, but also the Red Army,
German and Entente intervention, and local anarchists such as Nestor Makhno and (Green
Army of Otaman Zeleny).===Interwar period in Soviet Ukraine===
As Bolshevik rule took hold in Ukraine, the early Soviet government had its own reasons
to encourage the national movements of the former Russian Empire. Until the early-1930s, Ukrainian culture enjoyed
a widespread revival due to Bolshevik concessions known as the policy of Korenization (“indigenization”). In these years an impressive Ukrainization
program was implemented throughout the republic. In such conditions, the Ukrainian national
idea initially continued to develop and even spread to a large territory with traditionally
mixed population in the east and south that became part of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist
Republic. At the same time, despite the ongoing Soviet-wide
anti-religious campaign, the Ukrainian national Orthodox Church was created, the Ukrainian
Autocephalous Orthodox Church. The church was initially seen by the Bolshevik
government as a tool in their goal to suppress the Russian Orthodox Church, always viewed
with great suspicion by the regime for its being the cornerstone of the defunct Russian
Empire and the initially strong opposition it took towards the regime change. Therefore, the government tolerated the new
Ukrainian national church for some time and the UAOC gained a wide following among the
Ukrainian peasantry. These events greatly raised the national consciousness
among the Ukrainians and brought about the development of a new generation of Ukrainian
cultural and political elite. This in turn raised the concerns of Joseph
Stalin, who saw danger in the Ukrainians’ loyalty towards their nation competing with
their loyalty to the Soviet State and in early 1930s the “Ukrainian bourgeois nationalism”
was declared to be the primary problem in Ukraine. The Ukrainization policies were abruptly and
bloodily reversed, most of the Ukrainian cultural and political elite was arrested and executed,
and the nation was decimated with the famine called the Holodomor.===Interwar period in modern-day Western
Ukraine===After World War I, lands of what is today
Western Ukraine were incorporated into newly restored Poland. Tadeusz Hołówko died in Truskawiec (Truskavets)
on August 29, 1931, one of the first victims of an assassination campaign carried out by
militants of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN). On 15 June 1934, Bronisław Pieracki was assassinated
by a Ukrainian nationalist from the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists.===World War II===
With the outbreak of war between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union in 1941, many nationalists
in Ukraine thought that they would have an opportunity to create an independent country
once again. An entire Ukrainian volunteer division of
the SS had been created. Many of the fighters who had originally looked
to the Nazis as liberators, quickly became disillusioned and formed the Ukrainian Insurgent
Army (UPA) (Ukrainian: Українська Повстанська Армія – У.П.А.),
which waged military campaign against Germans and later Soviet forces. The primary goal of OUN was “the rebirth,
of setting everything in order, the defense and the expansion of the Independent Council
of Ukrainian National State”. OUN also revived the sentiment that “Ukraine
is for Ukrainians”.On June 30, 1941, the OUN, led by Stepan Bandera, declared an independent
Ukrainian state. This was immediately acted upon by the Nazi
army, and Bandera was arrested and imprisoned from 1941 to 1944. The UPA was a military group that took up
arms first against the Nazis and later against the Soviets. During World War II, the UPA fought against
the Polish, German and Soviet forces. After the Second World War, UPA took actions
directed against Soviet rule within Ukraine. Many members of the UPA saw themselves as
the armed wing of the OUN in its struggle for Ukrainian independence.There has been
much debate as to the legitimacy of UPA as a political group. UPA maintains a prominent and symbolic role
in Ukrainian history and the quest for Ukrainian independence. At the same time it was deemed an insurgent
or terrorist group by Soviet historiography.Ukrainian Canadian historian Serhiy Yekelchyk writes
that during 1943 and 1944 an estimated 35,000 Polish civilians and an unknown number of
Ukrainian civilians in the Volhynia and Chelm regions fell victim to mutual ethnic cleansing
by the UPA and Polish insurgents. Niall Ferguson writes that around 80,000 Poles
were murdered then by Ukrainian nationalists. Norman Davies in his book Europe at War 1939–1945:
No Simple Victory puts the number of murdered Polish civilians at between 200,000 and 500,000,
while Timothy Snyder writes that Ukrainian nationalists killed “between forty to sixty
thousand Polish civilians in Volhynia in 1943”.===Declaration of state sovereignty (1991)
===The most celebrated event in modern Ukrainian
nationalist history is the achievement of independence from the Soviet Union after its
collapse in 1991.==Ukrainian nationalism in present-day Ukraine
==Voters from Western Ukraine and Central Ukraine
tend to vote for pro-Western and pro-European general liberal national democrats with the
Our Ukraine Blocs and Bloc Yulia Tymoshenko (now Batkivshchyna) as its frontrunners; UDAR
replaced the Our Ukraine Bloc in the 2012 Ukrainian parliamentary election. Our Ukraine, a major national democratic force
in Ukrainian politics in the early 21st century met with total failure since the 2010 Ukrainian
local elections. While in Eastern Ukraine and Southern Ukraine
pro-Russian parties get the vote. Since the 2012 Ukrainian parliamentary election
Fatherland and UDAR cooperate officially with All-Ukrainian Union “Svoboda”.Until the 2009
Ternopil Oblast local election Svoboda and other nationalist parties role in Ukrainian
politics had been extremely marginal. However, in the 2012 parliamentary elections
Svoboda came in fourth with 10,44% (almost a fourteenfold of its votes compared with
the 2007 parliamentary elections) of the national votes and 38 out of 450 seats.===Nationalism in politics===From the 1998 parliamentary elections till
the 2012 parliamentary elections no nationalist party obtained seats in the Verkhovna Rada
(Ukraine’s parliament). In these elections nationalist right wing
parties obtained less than 1% of the votes; in the 1998 elections they obtained 3.26%. The nationalist party Svoboda had an electoral
breakthrough with the 2009 Ternopil Oblast local election when they obtained 34.69% of
the votes and 50 seats out of 120 in the Ternopil Oblast Council. This was the best result for a far-right party
in Ukraine’s history. In the previous 2006 Ternopil Oblast local
election the party had obtained 4.2% of the votes and 4 seats. In the simultaneously held local elections
for the Lviv Oblast Council it had obtained 5.62% of the votes and 10 seats and 6.69%
of the votes and 9 seats in the Lviv city council.In the 2010 Ukrainian local elections
Svoboda achieved notable success in Eastern Galicia. In the 2012 parliamentary elections Svoboda
came in fourth with 10,44% (almost a fourteenfold of its votes compared with the 2007 parliamentary
elections) of the national votes and 38 out of 450 seats. Since the 2012 Ukrainian parliamentary election
Batkivshchyna and UDAR cooperate officially with Svoboda.In the 2014 Ukrainian presidential
elections and 2014 parliamentary elections, Svoboda candidates failed to meet the electoral
threshold to win. On 19 November 2018 Svoboda and fellow Ukrainian
nationalist political organizations Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, Congress of Ukrainian
Nationalists, Right Sector and C14 endorsed Ruslan Koshulynskyi candidacy in the 2019
Ukrainian presidential election.==Contemporary Russian-Ukrainian conflict
==The topic of Ukrainian nationalism and its
alleged relationship to Neo-Nazism came to the fore in polemics about the more radical
elements involved in the Euromaidan protests and subsequent Ukrainian crisis from 2013
onward. Russian media has attempted to portray the
Ukrainian party in the conflict as Nazi, while at the same time key ideologies in the pro-Russian
side, such as the former National Bolshevik-figure Aleksandr Dugin themselves claim intellectual
influence from the likes of Heinrich Himmler of the Waffen-SS. The main Ukrainian organisations involved
with a neo-Banderaite legacy are Svoboda, Right Sector and Azov Battalion. In 1991 Svoboda was founded as the ‘Social-National
Party of Ukraine’. The party combined radical nationalism and
alleged neo-Nazi features. It was renamed and rebranded 13 years later
as ‘All-Ukrainian Association Svoboda’ in 2004 under Oleh Tyahnybok. Political scientists Olexiy Haran and Alexander
J. Motyl contend that Svoboda is radical rather than fascist and they also argue that it has
more similarities with Far-Right movements like the Tea Party than it has with either
fascists or neo-Nazis. In 2005 Victor Yushchenko appointed Volodymyr
Viatrovych head of the Ukrainian security service (SBU) archives. According to Professor Per Anders Rudling,
this not only allowed Viatrovych to sanitize ultra nationalist history, but it also allowed
him to officially promote its dissemination along with OUN(b) ideology which is based
on ‘ethnic purity’ coupled with anti-Russian, anti-Polish and anti-semitic rhetoric. The extreme right wing now capitalizes on
‘Yushchenkoist’ propaganda initiatives. This includes Iuryi Mykhal’chyshyn, an ideologue
who proudly confesses that he is a part of the fascist tradition. The autonomous nationalists focus on recruiting
young people, participating in violent actions, and advocating “anti-bourgeoism, anti-capitalism,
anti-globalism, anti-democratism, anti-liberalism, anti-bureaucratism, anti-dogmatism”. In 2009 Svoboda fetched 34,7% of the votes
in the Ternopil Oblast local elections. Svoboda was part of a right wing Alliance
of European National Movements until it withdrew from the organization in 2014. Per Anders Rulig has suggested that “Viktor
Yanukovych has indirectly aided Svoboda” by “granting Svoboda representatives disproportionate
attention in the media”.After Yanokovych’s ouster in February 2014, the interim Yatsenyuk
Government placed 4 Svoboda members in leading positions: Oleksandr Sych as Vice Prime Minister
of Ukraine, Ihor Tenyukh as Minister of Defense, lawyer Ihor Shvaika as Minister of Agrarian
Policy and Food and Andriy Mokhnyk as Minister of Ecology and Natural Resources of Ukraine. However, the U.S. State Department has stated
in a 5 March 2014 fact sheet that “Far-right wing ultranationalist groups, some of which
were involved in open clashes with security forces during the EuroMaidan protests, are
not represented in the Rada.”Andriy Biletsky, the head of the ultra-nationalist and neo-Banderaite
political groups Social-National Assembly and Patriots of Ukraine, is commander of the
Azov Battalion (in October 2016 Biletsky officially left the Ukrainian military because (Ukrainian)
elected officials are barred from serving in the army, but he vowed to continue his
military career “without titles”) Azov Battalion of the Ukrainian National Guard fighting pro-Russian
separatists in the War in Donbass. According to a report in The Daily Telegraph,
some individual anonymous members of the battalion identified themselves as sympathetic to the
Third Reich. Biletsky is a member of the Ukrainian Parliament. In June 2015, Democratic Representative John
Conyers and his Republican colleague Ted Yoho offered bipartisan amendments to block the
U.S. military training of Ukraine’s Azov Battalion.In the 2014 Ukrainian parliamentary election,
the right-wing parties Svoboda and Right Sector (representing ultranationalists who were involved
in clashes with security forces during the Euromaidan protests) did not pass the 5% threshold,
cumulatively receiving only 8 seats in the 450-seat Ukrainian parliament (less than 2%
of all seats). Since 14 April 2016 the Chairman of the Ukrainian
Parliament has been Andriy Parubiy, the co-founder of the Social-National Party of Ukraine. Parubiy has had no affiliation with this party
or with its successors since 2004.The radical nationalists group С14, whose members openly
expressed neo-Nazi views, gained notoriety in 2018 for being involved in violent attacks
on Romany camps.==Soviet Union and Ukrainian bourgeois nationalism
==In Soviet ideology there exists the concept
of Ukrainian bourgeois nationalism (UBN) (Ukrainian: Український буржуазний
націоналізм, (УБН)). This nationalism was presented as a form of
an anti-socialist and counterrevolutionary, “bourgeois” movement. All counter-revolutionary activities were
persecuted by the Article 58 of the 1922 Russian Criminal Code. The definition of Ukrainian bourgeois nationalism
was well put in the foreword of a Soviet book from the 1950s “Under foreign flags” by Volodymyr
Byelyayev. The book claimed that Ukrainian bourgeois
nationalism was invented by the “archenemy” of the Ukrainian people, the historian Mykhailo
Hrushevsky, whom the author claimed to have been a German spy. Hrushevsky enjoyed great political and public
popularity and respect, so the Soviet government resorted to negative public relations against
him. These accusations were recently reiterated
by the doctor of historical sciences Vitaliy Sarbei who was published by the Russian information
agency “Rosbalt” (February 2011). The book “Under foreign flags” gives the following
definition of Ukrainian bourgeois nationalism: Ukrainian bourgeois nationalism is the ideology
and politics of the Ukrainian bourgeoisie. Exploiting society, the social base of Ukrainian
bourgeois nationalism was a stratum made up of all urban and rural bourgeoisie starting
from the big capitalists, owners of big industrial enterprise, and finishing with numerous layers
of the bourgeois class under capitalism, kurkul. The economical base for the growth of Ukrainian
bourgeois nationalism in the epoch of imperialism is the same as for that of any nationality,
that is, the increase of imperialist competition for sales markets and raw materials. Ukrainian bourgeois nationalism was a cliché
of Soviet phraseology such as “Proletarian internationalism”, “Fraternity of peoples”,
“Agitprop”, “Stakhanovite movement”, “Enemy of the people” and numerous others. According to Soviet ideology Ukrainian bourgeois
nationalism was a specific form of bourgeois nationalism recognizing the superiority of
national interests over class interests (see Class in Marxist theory). The idea of bourgeois nationalism was required
to keep consistency with the Bolshevik’s Declaration of the Rights of the Peoples of Russia which
set a wave of secession movements across the former Russian Empire. This concept of nationalism was also used
to identify everyone who did not share the national policy principles of the Communist
Party (Bolsheviks), proletarian internationalism, and did not fit under the definition of bourgeois
cosmopolitanism. In Soviet ideology, bourgeois cosmopolitanism
was a negative phenomenon and opposite to the proclaimed fraternity of peoples. The term first appeared in the 1920s in the
documents of the Communist Party and spread into Soviet journalism and science literature. It was needed as an ideological device. Similarly, Soviet historiography equated Ukrainian
nationalism with fascism and with Nazism despite the fact that racism and cult of personality
were extrinsic to Ukrainian nationalism, which was its distinction.==Nationalist political parties=====
Current===All-Ukrainian Union “Fatherland” (1999–present)
Congress of Ukrainian Nationalists (1992–present) National Corps (2016–present)
People’s Front (2014–present) People’s Movement of Ukraine (1990–present)
Radical Party of Oleh Lyashko (2010–present) Ukrainian Republican Party (2006–present)
Right Sector (2013–present) Svoboda (2004–present)
Ukrainian People’s Party (2002–present) UKROP (2015–present)===Defunct===
All-Ukrainian Political Movement “State Independence of Ukraine” (1990–2003)
Borotbists (1918–1920) Revolutionary Ukrainian Party (1900–1905)
Social-National Party of Ukraine (1991–2004) Ukrainian Radical Party (1890–1940)==See also==Greater Ukraine
Ukrainian National Revival Ukrainophilia
Ukrainization Far-right politics in Ukraine
Neo-Nazism in Ukraine==Notes

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