Quebec nationalism | Wikipedia audio article

Quebec nationalism | Wikipedia audio article


Quebec nationalism or Québécois nationalism
asserts that the Québécois people are a nation, distinct from the rest of Canada,
and promotes the unity of the Québécois people in the province of Quebec. Quebec nationalism was first known as French
Canadian nationalism. It was not until the age of the Quiet Revolution,
that the term Quebec Nationalism, and Québécois people, replaced the longstanding previously
used term “French Canadian”. French Canadians’ roots are derived from the
people who were born in Canada with parents of French descent. The term later changed in the 1960s to become
currently “Quebec nationalism”.==Canadien liberal nationalism=====
New France===The settlement of New France was made up of
7 regions that spanned from the Maritimes to the Rockies and from the Hudson Bay to
the Gulf of Mexico. Although this landscape was vast, Canada was
at its core. The colonists of New France after the 17th
century learned how to adapt to their new land that was accompanied by the Native People’s,
cold climate and new transportation methods. The greatest adjustment the colonists made
however was the shift from their homeland roots to developing a true and pure Canadian
identity. This new identity could be seen in the adoption
of accents, creation of new legends and stories, emerging societal traits and transformation
of language. A main factor when identifying a new and developing
identity is the evolution of language. This appeared in the New France colonists
though the disappearance of their native tongues and the creation of a new language to become
their own. The newly developed language was the standardized
and fixed form of communication throughout the educated classes of New France. It was composed of various regional dialects
of French creating what became the French-Canadian language. The new language was simple and direct French,
it even boasted praises from French visitors on its purity and quality. The early stabilization of the new language
was a key component attributing to the distinctiveness of the French-Canadian culture. Along with the development of a new language
came the development of a new social hierarchy as well. French Canadians supported the idea of a modified
social hierarchy based upon the old French regime. However, they did not alter the core values
its foundation was based upon. This created a clearly constructed social
order for Canada. Between the development of a language to call
their own, a new social order and thriving colonies, the immigrants were no longer immigrants
but rather people who embodied not only a Canadian identity but also a provincial identity
as well.During this time, the identity of Canada was split between 95 percent of the
colonists being Francophones and the other 5 percent being Anglophones. However, this would prove to be problematic. The Francophones were Catholic and poor whilst
the Anglophones were Protestant and wealthy. This imbalance of socio-economic status and
all the repercussions that came along with it sparked a feud between the Francophones
and Anglophones that still remains.===1534–1774===
Canada was first a French colony. Jacques Cartier claimed it for France in 1534,
and permanent French settlement began in 1608. It was part of New France, which constituted
all French colonies in North America. Up until 1760, Canadien nationalism had developed
itself free of all external influences. However, during the Seven Years’ War, the
British army invaded the French colony as part of its North American strategy, winning
a conclusive victory at the Battle of the Plains of Abraham. At the Treaty of Paris (1763), France agreed
to abandon its claims in Canada in return for permanent French control of Guadeloupe. From the 1760s onward, Canadien nationalism
developed within a British constitutional context. Despite intense pressure from outside Parliament,
the British government drafted the Quebec Act which guaranteed Canadiens the restoration
of French civil law; guaranteed the free practice of the Catholic faith; and returned the territorial
extensions that they had enjoyed before the Treaty of Paris. In effect, this “enlightened” action by leaders
in the British Parliament allowed French Canada to retain its unique characteristics. Although detrimental to Britain’s relationship
with the Thirteen Colonies, this has, in its contemporary assessment, been viewed as an
act of appeasement and was largely effective at dissolving Canadien nationalism in the
18th century (especially considering the threat and proximity of American revolutionary ideology)
yet it became less effective with the arrival of Loyalists after the revolutions. With the Loyalists splitting the Province
of Quebec into two identities; Upper Canada and Lower Canada, Canadiens were now labelled
by the Loyalists as French Canadians.===1800s–1880s===
From 1776 to the late 1830s, the world witnessed the creation of many new national states with
the birth of the United States, the French Republic, Haiti, Paraguay, Argentina, Chile,
Mexico, Brazil, Peru, Gran Colombia, Belgium, Greece and others. Often accomplished militarily, these national
independence movements occurred in the context of complex ideological and political struggles
pitting European metropoles against their respective colonies, often assuming the dichotomy
of monarchists against republicans. These battles succeeded in creating independent
republican states in some regions of the world, but they failed in other places, such as Ireland,
Upper Canada, Lower Canada, and Germany. There is no consensus on the exact time of
the birth of a national consciousness in French Canada. Some historians defend the thesis that it
existed before the 19th century, because the Canadiens saw themselves as a people culturally
distinct from the French even in the time of New France. The cultural tensions were indeed palpable
between the governor of New France, the Canadian-born Pierre de Vaudreuil and the General Louis-Joseph
de Montcalm, a Frenchman, during the French and Indian War. However, the use of the expression la nation
canadienne (the Canadian nation) by French Canadians is a reality of the 19th century. The idea of a nation canadienne was supported
by the liberal or professional class in Lower Canada: lawyers, notaries, librarians, accountants,
doctors, journalists, and architects, among others. A political movement for the independence
of the Canadien people slowly took form following the enactment of the Constitutional Act of
1791. The Act of the British Parliament created
two colonies, Lower Canada and Upper Canada, each of which had its own political institutions. In Lower Canada, the French-speaking and Catholic
Canadiens held the majority in the elected house of representatives, but were either
a small minority or simply not represented in the appointed legislative and executive
councils, both appointed by the Governor, representing the British Crown in the colony. Most of the members of the legislative council
and the executive council were part of the British ruling class, composed of wealthy
merchants, judges, military men, etc., supportive of the Tory party. From early 1800 to 1837, the government and
the elected assembly were at odds on virtually every issue. Under the leadership of Speaker Louis-Joseph
Papineau, the Parti canadien (renamed Parti patriote in 1826) initiated a movement of
reform of the political institutions of Lower Canada. The party’s constitutional policy, summed
up in the Ninety-Two Resolutions of 1834, called for the election of the legislative
and executive councils. The movement of reform gathered the support
of the majority of the representatives of the people among Francophones but also among
liberal Anglophones. A number of the prominent characters in the
reformist movement were of British origin, for example John Neilson, Wolfred Nelson,
Robert Nelson and Thomas Storrow Brown or of Irish extraction, Edmund Bailey O’Callaghan,
Daniel Tracey and Jocquelin Waller. Two currents existed within the reformists
of the Parti canadien: a moderate wing, whose members were fond of British institutions
and wished for Lower Canada to have a government more accountable to the elective house’s representative
and a more radical wing whose attachment to British institutions was rather conditional
to this proving to be as good as to those of the neighbouring American republics. The formal rejection of all 92 resolutions
by the Parliament of Great Britain in 1837 led to a radicalization of the patriotic movement’s
actions. Louis-Joseph Papineau took the leadership
of a new strategy which included the boycott of all British imports. During the summer, many popular gatherings
(assemblées populaires) were organized to protest against the policy of Great Britain
in Lower Canada. In November, Governor Archibald Acheson ordered
the arrest of 26 leaders of the patriote movement, among whom Louis-Joseph Papineau and many
other reformists were members of parliament. This instigated an armed conflict which developed
into the Lower Canada Rebellion. Following the repression of the insurrectionist
movement of 1838, many of the most revolutionary nationalist and democratic ideas of the Parti
patriote were discredited.==Ultramontane nationalism=====1840s–1950s===
Although it was still defended and promoted up until the beginning of the 20th century,
the French-Canadian liberal nationalism born out of the American and French revolutions
began to decline in the 1840s, gradually being replaced by both a more moderate liberal nationalism
and the ultramontanism of the powerful Catholic clergy as epitomized by Lionel Groulx. In the 1920s–1950s, this form of traditionalist
Catholic nationalism became known as clerico-nationalism In opposition with the other nationalists,
ultramontanes rejected the idea that the people are sovereign and that church and state should
be absolutely separated. They accepted the authority of the British
crown in Canada, defended its legitimacy, and preached obedience to the British ruler. For ultramontanes, the faith of Franco-Canadians
was to survive by defending their Roman Catholic religion and the French language.===1950s===
In the time leading up to the radical changes of the Quiet Revolution the people of Quebec
placed more importance on traditional values in life which included going back to their
nationalistic roots. Nationalism at this time meant restoring the
old regime and going back to the concept of a French-Canadian nation built upon Catholicism
as it was in the past. The church and state were intertwined and
the church greatly dictated legislature falling under the matters of the state. Nationalism also represented conservation,
and in that, not being influenced by the outside world but rather staying within their own
borders without room for exploration. Quebec was very closed minded wanting to keep
their people and province untouched by the more progressive ideas from the rest of the
world. Even in terms of careers, the church governed
the state in this aspect and people were working conventional jobs such as in the agricultural
industry. Quebec did not align with the fast-paced urban
life of Western society that was reflected across the nation and other countries. The lack of great progression is believed
to be attributed to the premier of the province at this time Maurice Duplessis.Maurice Duplessis
returned to win the 1944 election and stayed in the position of premier of Quebec for fifteen
years whilst being the leader of the conservative Union Nationale party. The Union Nationale party valued and upheld
the traditional definition of nationalism. This meant the province would upkeep its long-established
ways of operating with changes being made only within the scope of the conventional
values. Because of this, the Union Nationale party
was favored by those who wanted to stick to the accustomed lifestyle and disliked by those
who wanted a progressive province being brought into the North American culture.Duplessis’s
main ideas to transform Quebec were through rapid industrialization, urbanization and
a greater and faster development of the province’s natural resources. English speakers of the province hoped that
industrialization and urbanization would replace the outdated French Canadian society. These changes launched French Canadians into
the urban and industrial way of life. There were new opportunities created to provide
economic and social stability but by doing so, decreased the importance and significance
placed upon cultural and linguistic survival.However, the deaths of Maurice Duplessis in September
1959 and his successor Paul Sauve in January 1960 set in motion the final end to the old
traditional definition of Quebec nationalism in the 1950s. A new leader, Quebec and ideology of nationalism
would emerge and sweep across the province finally providing French-Canadians their greatly
awaited need for change.===1960s===
The events leading up to the 1960s were catalysts that would tear down and reconstruct the foundation
of what it meant to be a Quebec Nationalist. Nationalism in the 1960s represented a completely
new mantra unlike the aged significance placed upon it in the 1950s.The 1960s in Quebec was
a period of the Quiet Revolution, the Liberal Party of Canada the election of the Parti
Québécois, a site of a thriving economy and the beginning of a variety of independent
movements. During this time, Quebec was a place of enlightenment,
there were changes in the society, values, and economy. This was a time of radical thinking, culture
and ideologies, one ideology would finally emerge after centuries of dormancy. Quebec would change from its old fashioned
roots and be brought into the progressive mainstream century. A main difference was the secularization of
the Catholic Church, practiced by most French Canadians from the province itself. Unlike in the 1950s under Duplessis, the church
and state were now separate entities removing the strict control the old fashioned ways
of the church had over institutions. The shift gained the province its own independence.These
ideologies took off after the victory of Jean Lesage’s liberal party in the 1960 provincial
election. The election of Jean Lesage and his liberal
party finally ended the longstanding ancient regime the people of Quebec had been living
under. It began the reinstitution of the outdated
socioeconomic and political structures to fully modernize them once and for all. This movement would be known as the Quiet
Revolution. The Quiet Revolution signified something different
for Quebeckers but a common denominator was that both English and French speakers were
happy with the end to Maurice Duplessis’s conservative party the Union Nationale that
brought much social and political repression. The Quiet Revolution beginning in the 1960s
gathered momentum with the many reformations carried out by Jean Lesage including changes
to the education, social welfare, hospitalization, hydro-electricity, regional development and
greater francophone participation in the industrial sector.Quebec nationalism for the Francophones
was on the rise at this time not only within the province but on a global scale as well. Quebec nationalism in the 1960s stemmed from
the ideology of decolonization this new type of nationalism was based off ideas happening
on a global scale. Because of the new openness of the province,
travelers and people of the church were encouraged to go and learn the ways of life in other
parts of the world and then return to share, compare and incorporate the ideologies into
their lifestyle. The oppression of Francophones was also something
that Lesage wanted to bring to light and change because of the longstanding cultural, and
society tension between the Francophones and Anglophones. Lesage had the desire to change the role that
the state had over the province, he no longer wanted economic inferiority of French Canadians
and the Francophone society but rather evolving organized labor, educational reform and the
modernization of political process.There were many issues that the province had during this
time do to the imbalance between the Francophones and Anglophones on a variety of levels. Even though the Francophones outnumbered the
Anglophones, the Francophones were still seen as a minority. This oppression however dated further back
than just the 1960s. The province has a history of colonization
and conquest that is complex and multi layered. The past history of this province can be seen
in the city’s landscape marked with a variety of memoir commemorating the overtaking powers. The province’s Francophones as well as ethic
and racial minority groups did not have any power, they were living in the poorest parts
of cities. It was hard for these groups to progress in
their careers or climb the socio-economic ladder. For Francophones it was difficult because
success was geared towards the English speaker and prestigious institutions were English
speaking and devalued the culture and language of the French. By the early 1960s a small but mighty group
of French Canadians from all classes were receiving proper education but only to go
into careers in Anglophone dominated institutions.Avocation of the new form of nationalism was used to
address the drastic conditions in the work place as well as living conditions. This was most apparent between the Francophones
who believed in the new 1960s idea of nationalism and the predominantly English anti-nationalists. The goal of the new society was to overcome
injustices for minority groups in everyday life. This sparked a number of movements such as
the Black Power movement and Women’s Rights Movement that were mainly seen in working-class
neighbourhoods which gained publicity when journals, conferences and advocates fed into
these movements. A movement of a new Quebec with a new meaning
behind the word Nationalism would continue to change and progress overtime with the 1960s
being the start of this change.==Contemporary Quebec nationalism==
Understanding contemporary Quebec nationalism is difficult considering the ongoing debates
on the political status of the province and its complex public opinion. No political option (outright independence,
sovereignty-association, constitutional reforms, or signing on to the present Canadian constitution)
has achieved decisive majority support and contradictions remain within the Quebec polity. One debated subject that has often made the
news is whether contemporary Quebec nationalism is still “ethnic” or if it is “linguistic”
or “territorial”. The notion of “territorial nationalism” (promoted
by all Quebec premiers since Jean Lesage) gathers the support of the majority of the
sovereigntists and essentially all Quebec federalist nationalists. Debates on the nature of Quebec’s nationalism
are currently going on and various intellectuals from Quebec or other parts of Canada have
published works on the subject, notably Will Kymlicka, professor of philosophy at Queen’s
University and Charles Blattberg and Michel Seymour, both professors at the Université
de Montréal. People who feel that Quebec nationalism is
still ethnic have often expressed their opinion that the sentiments of Quebec’s nationalists
are insular and parochial and concerned with preserving a “pure laine” population of white
francophones within the province. These accusations have always been vigorously
denounced by Quebec nationalists of all sides, and such sentiments are generally considered
as unrepresentative of the intellectual and mainstream political movements in favour of
a wider independence for Quebec, seeing the movement as a multi-ethnic cause. However, then Premier of Quebec Jacques Parizeau,
commenting on the failure of the 1995 Quebec referendum said “It is true, it is true that
we were beaten, but in the end, by what? By money and ethnic votes, essentially.” (“C’est vrai, c’est vrai qu’on a été battus,
au fond, par quoi? Par l’argent puis des votes ethniques, essentiellement.”) People who feel that Quebec nationalism is
linguistic have often expressed their opinion that Quebec nationalism includes a multi-ethnic
or multicultural French-speaking majority (either as mother tongue or first language
used in public). There is little doubt that the post-1950s
era witnessed an awakening of Quebecers’ self-identity. The rural, conservative and Catholic Quebec
of the 19th and early 20th centuries has given way to a confident, cosmopolitan society that
has many attributes (other than valuing multiculturalism) of a modern, internationally recognized community
with a unique culture worth preserving. The cultural character of Quebec nationalism
has been affected by changes in the cultural identity of the province/nation more generally. Since the 1960s, these changes have included
the secularism and other traits associated with the Quiet Revolution.===Recognition of the nation by Ottawa===On October 21, 2006, during the General Special
Council of the Quebec wing of the Liberal Party of Canada initiated a national debate
by adopting with more than 80% support a resolution calling on the Government of Canada to recognize
the Quebec nation within Canada. A month later, the said resolution was taken
to Parliament first by the Bloc Québécois, then by the Prime Minister of Canada, Stephen
Harper. On November 27, 2006, the House of Commons
of Canada passed a motion recognizing that the “Québécois form a nation within a united
Canada”.===Present-day nationalism===
Quebec nationalism today and what it means to Quebecers differs based on the individual. Nationalism today is more open than what it
has been in the past in a some ways. A common theme that can be seen is the attachment
Québécois have towards their province and the country of Canada. They are still very provincial and many identify
as a Quebecer first and a Canadian second.==Nationalist groups=====
Political parties and groupings===Union Nationale (1936-1981)
Parti Québécois (1968–present) Québec Solidaire (2006–present)
Parti Indépendantiste (2007–2014) Option nationale (2012–2018, later fused
with Québec Solidaire) Bloc Québécois (1991–present)
Québec Debout (2018) Coalition Avenir Québec (2012–present,
The party’s ideology is mostly nationalist but also promote Quebec autonomism and some
Canadian federalism) OUI-Québec===Civic organizations===
Saint-Jean-Baptiste Societies Mouvement national des Québécois===Academic and intellectual associations
===Les Intellectuels pour la souveraineté (IPSO)
(Intellectuals for Sovereignty) Centre étudiant de recherche et d’action
nationale (CERAN) (Student research and national action centre)
Institut de recherche sur l’autodétermination des peuples et les indépendances nationales
(IRAI) (Research Institute on Self-Determination of Peoples and National Independence)===Nationalists newspapers and publications
===Le Jour
Le Devoir Le Québécois
L’Action nationale===Extremist, nativist and ultra-nationalist
groups===Front de libération du Québec (Quebec Liberation
Front) La Meute (2015–present)
Atalante Fédération des Québécois de souche (Federation
of native Québécois)==See also==
Canadian nationalism French nationalism
History of Quebec Lists of active separatist movements
Nationalism Partition of Quebec
Politics of Canada Politics of Quebec
Quebec federalist ideology Québec Identitaire
Quebec sovereignty movement Quebec referendum, 1980
Quebec referendum, 1995 Quiet Revolution
Clarity Act==Notes

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