Nazi | Wikipedia audio article

Nazi | Wikipedia audio article

National Socialism (German: Nationalsozialismus),
more commonly known as Nazism (), is the ideology and practices associated with the Nazi Party
– officially the National Socialist German Workers’ Party (Nationalsozialistische Deutsche
Arbeiterpartei or NSDAP) – in Nazi Germany, and of other far-right groups with similar
aims. Nazism is a form of fascism and showed that
ideology’s disdain for liberal democracy and the parliamentary system, but also incorporated
fervent antisemitism, scientific racism, and eugenics into its creed. Its extreme nationalism
came from Pan-Germanism and the Völkisch movement prominent in the German nationalism
of the time, and it was strongly influenced by the anti-Communist Freikorps paramilitary
groups that emerged after Germany’s defeat in World War I, from which came the party’s
“cult of violence” which was “at the heart of the movement.”Nazism subscribed to theories
of racial hierarchy and Social Darwinism, identifying the Germans as a part of what
the Nazis regarded as an Aryan or Nordic master race. It aimed to overcome social divisions
and create a German homogeneous society based on racial purity which represented a people’s
community (Volksgemeinschaft). The Nazis aimed to unite all Germans living in historically
German territory, as well as gain additional lands for German expansion under the doctrine
of Lebensraum and exclude those who they deemed either community aliens or “inferior” races.
The term “National Socialism” arose out of attempts to create a nationalist redefinition
of “socialism”, as an alternative to both international socialism and free market capitalism.
Nazism rejected the Marxist concept of class conflict, opposed cosmopolitan internationalism,
and sought to convince all parts of the new German society to subordinate their personal
interests to the “common good”, accepting political interests as the main priority of
economic organization.The Nazi Party’s precursor, the Pan-German nationalist and antisemitic
German Workers’ Party, was founded on 5 January 1919. By the early 1920s the party was renamed
the National Socialist German Workers’ Party – to attract workers away from left-wing
parties such as the Social Democrats (SPD) and the Communists (KPD) – and Adolf Hitler
assumed control of the organization. The National Socialist Program or “25 Points” was adopted
in 1920 and called for a united Greater Germany that would deny citizenship to Jews or those
of Jewish descent, while also supporting land reform and the nationalization of some industries.
In Mein Kampf (“My Struggle”; 1924–1925), Hitler outlined the anti-Semitism and anti-Communism
at the heart of his political philosophy, as well as his disdain for representative
democracy and his belief in Germany’s right to territorial expansion.The Nazi Party won
the greatest share of the popular vote in the two Reichstag general elections of 1932,
making them the largest party in the legislature by far, but still short of an outright majority.
Because none of the parties were willing or able to put together a coalition government,
in 1933 Hitler was appointed Chancellor of Germany by President Paul Von Hindenburg,
through the support and connivance of traditional conservative nationalists who believed that
they could control him and his party. Through the use of emergency presidential decrees
by Hindenburg, and a change in the Weimar Constitution which allowed the Cabinet to
rule by direct decree, bypassing both Hindenburg and the Reichstag, the Nazis had soon established
a one-party state. The Sturmabteilung (SA) and the Schutzstaffel
(SS) functioned as the paramilitary organizations of the Nazi Party. Using the SS for the task,
Hitler purged the party’s more socially and economically radical factions in the mid-1934
Night of the Long Knives, including the leadership of the SA. After the death of President Hindenburg,
political power was concentrated in Hitler’s hands and he became Germany’s head of state
as well as the head of the government, with the title of Führer, meaning “leader”. From
that point, Hitler was effectively the dictator of Nazi Germany, which was also known as the
“Third Reich”, under which Jews, political opponents and other “undesirable” elements
were marginalized, imprisoned or murdered. Many millions of people were eventually exterminated
in a genocide which became known as the Holocaust during World War II, including around two-thirds
of the Jewish population of Europe. Following Germany’s defeat in World War II
and the discovery of the full extent of the Holocaust, Nazi ideology became universally
disgraced. It is widely regarded as immoral and evil, with only a few fringe racist groups,
usually referred to as neo-Nazis, describing themselves as followers of National Socialism.==Etymology==The full name of the party was Nationalsozialistische
Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (English: National-Socialist German Workers’ Party) for which they officially
used the acronym NSDAP. The term “Nazi” was in use before the rise
of the NSDAP as a colloquial and derogatory word for a backwards farmer or peasant, characterizing
an awkward and clumsy person. In this sense, the word Nazi was a hypocorism of the German
male name Ignatz (itself a variation of the name Ignatius) – Ignatz being a common name
at the time in Bavaria, the area from which the NSDAP emerged.In the 1920s, political
opponents of the NSDAP in the German labour movement seized on this and – using the
earlier abbreviated term “Sozi” for Sozialist (English: Socialist) as an example – shortened
the first part of the NSDAP’s name, [Na]tionalso[zi]alistische, to the dismissive “Nazi”, in order to associate
them with the derogatory use of the term mentioned above.After the NSDAP’s rise to power in the
1930s, the use of the term “Nazi” by itself or in terms such as “Nazi Germany”, “Nazi
regime” and so on was popularised by German exiles. From them, the term spread into other
languages and it was eventually brought back into Germany after World War II.The NSDAP
briefly adopted the designation “Nazi” in an attempt to reappropriate the term, but
it soon gave up this effort and generally avoided using the term while it was in power.==Position within the political spectrum
==The majority of scholars identify Nazism in
both theory and practice as a form of far-right politics. Far-right themes in Nazism include
the argument that superior people have a right to dominate other people and purge society
of supposed inferior elements. Adolf Hitler and other proponents denied that Nazism was
either left-wing or right-wing, instead they officially portrayed Nazism as a syncretic
movement. In Mein Kampf, Hitler directly attacked both left-wing and right-wing politics in
Germany, saying: Today our left-wing politicians in particular
are constantly insisting that their craven-hearted and obsequious foreign policy necessarily
results from the disarmament of Germany, whereas the truth is that this is the policy of traitors
… But the politicians of the Right deserve exactly the same reproach. It was through
their miserable cowardice that those ruffians of Jews who came into power in 1918 were able
to rob the nation of its arms. In a speech given in Munich on 12 April 1922,
Hitler stated that: There are only two possibilities in Germany;
do not imagine that the people will forever go with the middle party, the party of compromises;
one day it will turn to those who have most consistently foretold the coming ruin and
have sought to dissociate themselves from it. And that party is either the Left: and
then God help us! for it will lead us to complete destruction – to Bolshevism, or else it is
a party of the Right which at the last, when the people is in utter despair, when it has
lost all its spirit and has no longer any faith in anything, is determined for its part
ruthlessly to seize the reins of power – that is the beginning of resistance of which I
spoke a few minutes ago. When asked whether he supported the “bourgeois
right-wing”, Hitler claimed that Nazism was not exclusively for any class and he indicated
that it favoured neither the left nor the right, but preserved “pure” elements from
both “camps” by stating: “From the camp of bourgeois tradition, it takes national resolve,
and from the materialism of the Marxist dogma, living, creative Socialism”.Historians regard
the equation of National Socialism as ‘Hitlerism’ as too simplistic since the term was used
prior to the rise of Hitler and the Nazis and the different ideologies incorporated
into Nazism were already well established in certain parts of German society before
World War I. The Nazis were strongly influenced by the post–World War I far-right in Germany,
which held common beliefs such as anti-Marxism, anti-liberalism and antisemitism, along with
nationalism, contempt for the Treaty of Versailles and condemnation of the Weimar Republic for
signing the armistice in November 1918 which later led it to sign the Treaty of Versailles.
A major inspiration for the Nazis were the far-right nationalist Freikorps, paramilitary
organizations that engaged in political violence after World War I. Initially, the post–World
War I German far-right was dominated by monarchists, but the younger generation, which was associated
with Völkisch nationalism, was more radical and it did not express any emphasis on the
restoration of the German monarchy. This younger generation desired to dismantle the Weimar
Republic and create a new radical and strong state based upon a martial ruling ethic that
could revive the “Spirit of 1914” which was associated with German national unity (Volksgemeinschaft).The
Nazis, the far-right monarchists, the reactionary German National People’s Party (DNVP) and
others, such as monarchist officers in the German Army and several prominent industrialists,
formed an alliance in opposition to the Weimar Republic on 11 October 1931 in Bad Harzburg,
officially known as the “National Front”, but commonly referred to as the Harzburg Front.
The Nazis stated that the alliance was purely tactical and they continued to have differences
with the DNVP. The Nazis described the DNVP as a bourgeois party and they called themselves
an anti-bourgeois party. After the elections of July 1932, the alliance broke down when
the DNVP lost many of its seats in the Reichstag. The Nazis denounced them as “an insignificant
heap of reactionaries”. The DNVP responded by denouncing the Nazis for their socialism,
their street violence and the “economic experiments” that would take place if the Nazis ever rose
to power. But amidst an inconclusive political situation in which conservative politicians
Franz von Papen and Kurt von Schleicher were unable to form stable governments without
the Nazis, Papen proposed to President Hindenburg to appoint Hitler as Chancellor at the head
of a government formed primarily of conservatives, with only three Nazi ministers. Hindenburg
did so, and contrary to the expectations of Papen and the DNVP, Hitler was soon able to
establish a Nazi one-party dictatorship.Kaiser Wilhelm II, who was pressured to abdicate
the throne and flee into exile amidst an attempted communist revolution in Germany, initially
supported the Nazi Party. His four sons, including Prince Eitel Friedrich and Prince Oskar, became
members of the Nazi Party in hopes that in exchange for their support, the Nazis would
permit the restoration of the monarchy.There were factions within the Nazi Party, both
conservative and radical. The conservative Nazi Hermann Göring urged Hitler to conciliate
with capitalists and reactionaries. Other prominent conservative Nazis included Heinrich
Himmler and Reinhard Heydrich. Meanwhile, the radical Nazi Joseph Goebbels opposed capitalism,
viewing it as having Jews at its core and he stressed the need for the party to emphasize
both a proletarian and a national character. Those views were shared by Otto Strasser,
who later left the Nazi Party in the belief that Hitler had allegedly betrayed the party’s
socialist goals by endorsing capitalism.When the Nazi Party emerged from obscurity to become
a major political force after 1929, the conservative faction rapidly gained more influence, as
wealthy donors took an interest in the Nazis as a potential bulwark against communism.
The Nazi Party had previously been financed almost entirely from membership dues, but
after 1929 its leadership began actively seeking donations from German industrialists, and
Hitler began holding dozens of fundraising meetings with business leaders. In the midst
of the Great Depression, facing the possibility of economic ruin on the one hand and a Communist
or Social Democratic government on the other hand, German business increasingly turned
to Nazism as offering a way out of the situation, by promising a state-driven economy that would
support, rather than attack, existing business interests. By January 1933, the Nazi Party
had secured the support of important sectors of German industry, mainly among the steel
and coal producers, the insurance business and the chemical industry.Large segments of
the Nazi Party, particularly among the members of the Sturmabteilung (SA), were committed
to the party’s official socialist, revolutionary and anti-capitalist positions and expected
both a social and an economic revolution when the party gained power in 1933. In the period
immediately before the Nazi seizure of power, there were even Social Democrats and Communists
who switched sides and became known as “Beefsteak Nazis”: brown on the outside and red inside.
The leader of the SA, Ernst Röhm, pushed for a “second revolution” (the “first revolution”
being the Nazis’ seizure of power) that would enact socialist policies. Furthermore, Röhm
desired that the SA absorb the much smaller German Army into its ranks under his leadership.
Once the Nazis achieved power, Röhm’s SA was directed by Hitler to violently suppress
the parties of the left, but they also began attacks against individuals deemed to be associated
with conservative reaction. Hitler saw Röhm’s independent actions as violating and possibly
threatening his leadership, as well as jeopardising the regime by alienating the conservative
President Paul von Hindenburg and the conservative-oriented German Army. This resulted in Hitler purging
Röhm and other radical members of the SA in 1934, in what came to be known as the Night
of the Long Knives.Before he joined the Bavarian Army to fight in World War I, Hitler had lived
a bohemian lifestyle as a petty street watercolour artist in Vienna and Munich and he maintained
elements of this lifestyle later on, going to bed very late and rising in the afternoon,
even after he became Chancellor and then Führer. After the war, his battalion was absorbed
by the Bavarian Soviet Republic from 1918 to 1919, where he was elected Deputy Battalion
Representative. According to historian Thomas Weber, Hitler attended the funeral of communist
Kurt Eisner (a German Jew), wearing a black mourning armband on one arm and a red communist
armband on the other, which he took as evidence that Hitler’s political beliefs had not yet
solidified. In Mein Kampf, Hitler never mentioned any service with the Bavarian Soviet Republic
and he stated that he became an antisemite in 1913 during his years in Vienna. This statement
has been disputed by the contention that he was not an antisemite at that time, even though
it is well established that he read many antisemitic tracts and journals during time and admired
Karl Lueger, the antisemitic mayor of Vienna. Hitler altered his political views in response
to the signing of the Treaty of Versailles in June 1919 and it was then that he became
an antisemitic, German nationalist.Hitler expressed opposition to capitalism, regarding
it as having Jewish origins and accusing capitalism of holding nations ransom to the interests
of a parasitic cosmopolitan rentier class. He also expressed opposition to communism
and egalitarian forms of socialism, arguing that inequality and hierarchy are beneficial
to the nation. He believed that communism was invented by the Jews to weaken nations
by promoting class struggle. After his rise to power, Hitler took a pragmatic position
on economics, accepting private property and allowing capitalist private enterprises to
exist so long as they adhered to the goals of the Nazi state, but not tolerating enterprises
that he saw as being opposed to the national interest.German business leaders disliked
Nazi ideology but came to support Hitler, because they saw the Nazis as a useful ally
to promote their interests. Business groups made significant financial contributions to
the Nazi Party both before and after the Nazi seizure of power, in the hope that a Nazi
dictatorship would eliminate the organized labour movement and the left-wing parties.
Hitler actively sought to gain the support of business leaders by arguing that private
enterprise is incompatible with democracy.Although he opposed communist ideology, Hitler publicly
praised the Soviet Union’s leader Joseph Stalin and Stalinism on numerous occasions. Hitler
commended Stalin for seeking to purify the Communist Party of the Soviet Union of Jewish
influences, noting Stalin’s purging of Jewish communists such as Leon Trotsky, Grigory Zinoviev,
Lev Kamenev and Karl Radek. While Hitler had always intended to bring Germany into conflict
with the Soviet Union so he could gain Lebensraum (“living space”), he supported a temporary
strategic alliance between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union to form a common anti-liberal
front so they could defeat liberal democracies, particularly France.==Origins=====Völkisch nationalism===One of the most significant ideological influences
on the Nazis was the German nationalist Johann Gottlieb Fichte, whose works had served as
an inspiration to Hitler and other Nazi Party members, including Dietrich Eckart and Arnold
Fanck. In Speeches to the German Nation (1808), written amid Napoleonic France’s occupation
of Berlin, Fichte called for a German national revolution against the French occupiers, making
passionate public speeches, arming his students for battle against the French and stressing
the need for action by the German nation so it could free itself. Fichte’s nationalism
was populist and opposed to traditional elites, spoke of the need for a “People’s War” (Volkskrieg)
and put forth concepts similar to those which the Nazis adopted. Fichte promoted German
exceptionalism and stressed the need for the German nation to purify itself (including
purging the German language of French words, a policy that the Nazis undertook upon their
rise to power).Another important figure in pre-Nazi völkisch thinking was Wilhelm Heinrich
Riehl, whose work—Land und Leute (Land and People, written between 1857 and 1863)—collectively
tied the organic German Volk to its native landscape and nature, a pairing which stood
in stark opposition to the mechanical and materialistic civilization which was then
developing as a result of industrialization. Geographers Friedrich Ratzel and Karl Haushofer
borrowed from Riehl’s work as did Nazi ideologues Alfred Rosenberg and Paul Schultze-Naumburg,
both of whom employed some of Riehl’s philosophy in arguing that “each nation-state was an
organism that required a particular living space in order to survive”. Riehl’s influence
is overtly discernible in the Blut und Boden (Blood and Soil) philosophy introduced by
Oswald Spengler, which the Nazi agriculturalist Walther Darré and other prominent Nazis adopted.Völkisch
nationalism denounced soulless materialism, individualism and secularised urban industrial
society, while advocating a “superior” society based on ethnic German “folk” culture and
German “blood”. It denounced foreigners and foreign ideas and declared that Jews, Freemasons
and others were “traitors to the nation” and unworthy of inclusion. Völkisch nationalism
saw the world in terms of natural law and romanticism and it viewed societies as organic,
extolling the virtues of rural life, condemning the neglect of tradition and the decay of
morals, denounced the destruction of the natural environment and condemned “cosmopolitan” cultures
such as Jews and Romani.The first party that attempted to combine nationalism and socialism
was the (Austria-Hungary) German Workers’ Party, which predominantly aimed to solve
the conflict between the Austrian Germans and the Czechs in the multi-ethnic Austrian
Empire, then part of Austria-Hungary. In 1896 the German politician Friedrich Naumann formed
the National-Social Association which aimed to combine German nationalism and a non-Marxist
form of socialism together; the attempt turned out to be futile and the idea of linking nationalism
with socialism quickly became equated with antisemites, extreme German nationalists and
the Völkisch movement in general. During the era of Imperial Germany, Völkisch
nationalism was overshadowed by both Prussian patriotism and the federalist tradition of
its various component states. The events of World War I, including the end of the Prussian
monarchy in Germany, resulted in a surge of revolutionary Völkisch nationalism. The Nazis
supported such revolutionary Völkisch nationalist policies and they claimed that their ideology
was influenced by the leadership and policies of German Chancellor Otto von Bismarck, the
founder of the German Empire. The Nazis declared that they were dedicated to continuing the
process of creating a unified German nation state that Bismarck had begun and desired
to achieve. While Hitler was supportive of Bismarck’s creation of the German Empire,
he was critical of Bismarck’s moderate domestic policies. On the issue of Bismarck’s support
of a Kleindeutschland (“Lesser Germany”, excluding Austria) versus the Pan-German Großdeutschland
(“Greater Germany”) which the Nazis advocated, Hitler stated that Bismarck’s attainment of
Kleindeutschland was the “highest achievement” Bismarck could have achieved “within the limits
possible at that time”. In Mein Kampf (My Struggle), Hitler presented himself as a “second
Bismarck”.During his youth in Austria, Hitler was politically influenced by Austrian Pan-Germanist
proponent Georg Ritter von Schönerer, who advocated radical German nationalism, antisemitism,
anti-Catholicism, anti-Slavic sentiment and anti-Habsburg views. From von Schönerer and
his followers, Hitler adopted for the Nazi movement the Heil greeting, the Führer title
and the model of absolute party leadership. Hitler was also impressed by the populist
antisemitism and the anti-liberal bourgeois agitation of Karl Lueger, who as the mayor
of Vienna during Hitler’s time in the city used a rabble-rousing style of oratory that
appealed to the wider masses. Unlike von Schönerer, Lueger was not a German nationalist and instead
was a pro-Catholic Habsburg supporter and only used German nationalist notions occasionally
for his own agenda. Although Hitler praised both Lueger and Schönerer, he criticized
the former for not applying a racial doctrine against the Jews and Slavs.===Racial theories and antisemitism===The concept of the Aryan race, which the Nazis
promoted, stems from racial theories asserting that Europeans are the descendants of Indo-Iranian
settlers, people of ancient India and ancient Persia. Proponents of this theory based their
assertion on the fact that words in European languages and words in Indo-Iranian languages
have similar pronunciations and meanings. Johann Gottfried Herder argued that the Germanic
peoples held close racial connections to the ancient Indians and the ancient Persians,
who he claimed were advanced peoples that possessed a great capacity for wisdom, nobility,
restraint and science. Contemporaries of Herder used the concept of the Aryan race to draw
a distinction between what they deemed to be “high and noble” Aryan culture versus that
of “parasitic” Semitic culture.Notions of white supremacy and Aryan racial superiority
were combined in the 19th century, with white supremacists maintaining the belief that certain
groups of white people were members of an Aryan “master race” that is superior to other
races and particularly superior to the Semitic race, which they associated with “cultural
sterility”. Arthur de Gobineau, a French racial theorist and aristocrat, blamed the fall of
the ancien régime in France on racial degeneracy caused by racial intermixing, which he argued
had destroyed the purity of the Aryan race, a term which he only reserved for Germanic
people. Gobineau’s theories, which attracted a strong following in Germany, emphasized
the existence of an irreconcilable polarity between Aryan (Germanic) and Jewish cultures. Aryan mysticism claimed that Christianity
originated in Aryan religious traditions, and that Jews had usurped the legend from
Aryans. Houston Stewart Chamberlain, an English proponent of racial theory, supported notions
of Germanic supremacy and antisemitism in Germany. Chamberlain’s work, The Foundations
of the Nineteenth Century (1899), praised Germanic peoples for their creativity and
idealism while asserting that the Germanic spirit was threatened by a “Jewish” spirit
of selfishness and materialism. Chamberlain used his thesis to promote monarchical conservatism
while denouncing democracy, liberalism and socialism. The book became popular, especially
in Germany. Chamberlain stressed a nation’s need to maintain its racial purity in order
to prevent its degeneration and argued that racial intermingling with Jews should never
be permitted. In 1923, Chamberlain met Hitler, whom he admired as a leader of the rebirth
of the free spirit. Madison Grant’s work The Passing of the Great Race (1916) advocated
Nordicism and proposed that a eugenics program should be implemented in order to preserve
the purity of the Nordic race. After reading the book, Hitler called it “my Bible”.In Germany,
the belief that Jews were economically exploiting Germans became prominent due to the ascendancy
of many wealthy Jews into prominent positions upon the unification of Germany in 1871. From
1871 to the early 20th century, German Jews were overrepresented in Germany’s upper and
middle classes while they were underrepresented in Germany’s lower classes, particularly in
the fields of agricultural and industrial labour. German Jewish financiers and bankers
played a key role in fostering Germany’s economic growth from 1871 to 1913 and they benefited
enormously from this boom. In 1908, amongst the twenty-nine wealthiest German families
with aggregate fortunes of up to 55 million marks at the time, five were Jewish and the
Rothschilds were the second wealthiest German family. The predominance of Jews in Germany’s
banking, commerce and industry sectors during this time period was very high, even though
Jews were estimated to account for only 1% of the population of Germany. The overrepresentation
of Jews in these areas fueled resentment among non-Jewish Germans during periods of economic
crisis. The 1873 stock market crash and the ensuing depression resulted in a spate of
attacks on alleged Jewish economic dominance in Germany and antisemitism increased. During
this time period, in the 1870s, German Völkisch nationalism began to adopt antisemitic and
racist themes and it was also adopted by a number of radical right political movements.Radical
Antisemitism was promoted by prominent advocates of Völkisch nationalism, including Eugen
Diederichs, Paul de Lagarde and Julius Langbehn. De Lagarde called the Jews a “bacillus, the
carriers of decay … who pollute every national culture … and destroy all faiths with their
materialistic liberalism” and he called for the extermination of the Jews. Langbehn called
for a war of annihilation against the Jews, and his genocidal policies were later published
by the Nazis and given to soldiers on the front during World War II. One antisemitic
ideologue of the period, Friedrich Lange, even used the term “National Socialism” to
describe his own anti-capitalist take on the Völkisch nationalist template.Johann Gottlieb
Fichte accused Jews in Germany of having been and inevitably of continuing to be a “state
within a state” that threatened German national unity. Fichte promoted two options in order
to address this, his first one being the creation of a Jewish state in Palestine so the Jews
could be impelled to leave Europe. His second option was violence against Jews and he said
that the goal of the violence would be “to cut off all their heads in one night, and
set new ones on their shoulders, which should not contain a single Jewish idea”. The Protocols of the Elders of Zion (1912)
is an antisemitic forgery created by the secret service of the Russian Empire, the Okhrana.
Many antisemites believed it was real and thus it became widely popular after World
War I. The Protocols claimed that there was a secret international Jewish conspiracy to
take over the world. Hitler had been introduced to The Protocols by Alfred Rosenberg and from
1920 onwards he focused his attacks by claiming that Judaism and Marxism were directly connected,
that Jews and Bolsheviks were one and the same and that Marxism was a Jewish ideology-this
became known as “Jewish Bolshevism”. Hitler believed that The Protocols were authentic.Prior
to the Nazi ascension to power, Hitler often blamed moral degradation on Rassenschande
(“racial defilement”), a way to assure his followers of his continuing antisemitism,
which had been toned down for popular consumption. Prior to the induction of the Nuremberg Race
Laws in 1935 by the Nazis, many German nationalists such as Roland Freisler strongly supported
laws to ban Rassenschande between Aryans and Jews as racial treason. Even before the laws
were officially passed, the Nazis banned sexual relations and marriages between party members
and Jews. Party members found guilty of Rassenschande were severely punished; some party members
were even sentenced to death.The Nazis claimed that Bismarck was unable to complete German
national unification because Jews had infiltrated the German parliament and they claimed that
their abolition of parliament had ended this obstacle to unification. Using the stab-in-the-back
myth, the Nazis accused Jews—and other populations who it considered non-German—of possessing
extra-national loyalties, thereby exacerbating German antisemitism about the Judenfrage (the
Jewish Question), the far-right political canard which was popular when the ethnic Völkisch
movement and its politics of Romantic nationalism for establishing a Großdeutschland was strong.Nazism’s
racial policy positions may have developed from the views of important biologists of
the 19th century, including French biologist Jean-Baptiste Lamarck, through Ernst Haeckel’s
idealist version of Lamarckism and the father of genetics, German botanist Gregor Mendel.
However, Haeckel’s works were later condemned and banned from bookshops and libraries by
the Nazis as inappropriate for “National-Socialist formation and education in the Third Reich”.
This may have been because of his “monist” atheistic, materialist philosophy, which the
Nazis disliked. Unlike Darwinian theory, Lamarckian theory officially ranked races in a hierarchy
of evolution from apes while Darwinian theory did not grade races in a hierarchy of higher
or lower evolution from apes, but simply stated that all humans as a whole had progressed
in their evolution from apes. Many Lamarckians viewed “lower” races as having been exposed
to debilitating conditions for too long for any significant “improvement” of their condition
to take place in the near future. Haeckel utilised Lamarckian theory to describe the
existence of interracial struggle and put races on a hierarchy of evolution, ranging
from wholly human to subhuman.Mendelian inheritance, or Mendelism, was supported by the Nazis,
as well as by mainstream eugenicists of the time. The Mendelian theory of inheritance
declared that genetic traits and attributes were passed from one generation to another.
Eugenicists used Mendelian inheritance theory to demonstrate the transfer of biological
illness and impairments from parents to children, including mental disability, whereas others
also utilised Mendelian theory to demonstrate the inheritance of social traits, with racialists
claiming a racial nature behind certain general traits such as inventiveness or criminal behaviour.===Response to World War I and Italian Fascism
===During World War I, German sociologist Johann
Plenge spoke of the rise of a “National Socialism” in Germany within what he termed the “ideas
of 1914” that were a declaration of war against the “ideas of 1789” (the French Revolution).
According to Plenge, the “ideas of 1789” which included the rights of man, democracy, individualism
and liberalism were being rejected in favour of “the ideas of 1914” which included the
“German values” of duty, discipline, law and order. Plenge believed that ethnic solidarity
(Volksgemeinschaft) would replace class division and that “racial comrades” would unite to
create a socialist society in the struggle of “proletarian” Germany against “capitalist”
Britain. He believed that the “Spirit of 1914” manifested itself in the concept of the “People’s
League of National Socialism”. This National Socialism was a form of state socialism that
rejected the “idea of boundless freedom” and promoted an economy that would serve the whole
of Germany under the leadership of the state. This National Socialism was opposed to capitalism
due to the components that were against “the national interest” of Germany, but insisted
that National Socialism would strive for greater efficiency in the economy. Plenge advocated
an authoritarian, rational ruling elite to develop National Socialism through a hierarchical
technocratic state, and his ideas were part of the basis of Nazism. Oswald Spengler, a German cultural philosopher,
was a major influence on Nazism, although after 1933 he became alienated from Nazism
and was later condemned by the Nazis for criticising Adolf Hitler. Spengler’s conception of national
socialism and a number of his political views were shared by the Nazis and the Conservative
Revolutionary movement. Spengler’s views were also popular amongst Italian Fascists, including
Benito Mussolini.Spengler’s book The Decline of the West (1918), written during the final
months of World War I, addressed the supposed decadence of modern European civilization,
which he claimed was caused by atomising and irreligious individualisation and cosmopolitanism.
Spengler’s major thesis was that a law of historical development of cultures existed
involving a cycle of birth, maturity, ageing and death when it reaches its final form of
civilisation. Upon reaching the point of civilisation, a culture will lose its creative capacity
and succumb to decadence until the emergence of “barbarians” creates a new epoch. Spengler
considered the Western world as having succumbed to decadence of intellect, money, cosmopolitan
urban life, irreligious life, atomised individualisation and believed that it was at the end of its
biological and “spiritual” fertility. He believed that the “young” German nation as an imperial
power would inherit the legacy of Ancient Rome, lead a restoration of value in “blood”
and instinct, while the ideals of rationalism would be revealed as absurd.Spengler’s notions
of “Prussian socialism” as described in his book Preussentum und Sozialismus (“Prussiandom
and Socialism”, 1919), influenced Nazism and the Conservative Revolutionary movement. Spengler
wrote: “The meaning of socialism is that life is controlled not by the opposition between
rich and poor, but by the rank that achievement and talent bestow. That is our freedom, freedom
from the economic despotism of the individual”. Spengler adopted the anti-English ideas addressed
by Plenge and Sombart during World War I that condemned English liberalism and English parliamentarianism
while advocating a national socialism that was free from Marxism and that would connect
the individual to the state through corporatist organisation. Spengler claimed that socialistic
Prussian characteristics existed across Germany, including creativity, discipline, concern
for the greater good, productivity and self-sacrifice. He prescribed war as a necessity by saying:
“War is the eternal form of higher human existence and states exist for war: they are the expression
of the will to war”. Spengler’s definition of socialism did not
advocate a change to property relations. He denounced Marxism for seeking to train the
proletariat to “expropriate the expropriator”, the capitalist and then to let them live a
life of leisure on this expropriation. He claimed that “Marxism is the capitalism of
the working class” and not true socialism. According to Spengler, true socialism would
be in the form of corporatism, stating that “local corporate bodies organised according
to the importance of each occupation to the people as a whole; higher representation in
stages up to a supreme council of the state; mandates revocable at any time; no organised
parties, no professional politicians, no periodic elections”. Wilhelm Stapel, an antisemitic German intellectual,
utilised Spengler’s thesis on the cultural confrontation between Jews as whom Spengler
described as a Magian people versus Europeans as a Faustian people. Stapel described Jews
as a landless nomadic people in pursuit of an international culture whereby they can
integrate into Western civilisation. As such, Stapel claims that Jews have been attracted
to “international” versions of socialism, pacifism or capitalism because as a landless
people the Jews have transgressed various national cultural boundaries.Arthur Moeller
van den Bruck was initially the dominant figure of the Conservative Revolutionaries influenced
Nazism. He rejected reactionary conservatism while proposing a new state that he coined
the “Third Reich”, which would unite all classes under authoritarian rule. Van den Bruck advocated
a combination of the nationalism of the right and the socialism of the left.Fascism was
a major influence on Nazism. The seizure of power by Italian Fascist leader Benito Mussolini
in the March on Rome in 1922 drew admiration by Hitler, who less than a month later had
begun to model himself and the Nazi Party upon Mussolini and the Fascists. Hitler presented
the Nazis as a form of German fascism. In November 1923, the Nazis attempted a “March
on Berlin” modelled after the March on Rome, which resulted in the failed Beer Hall Putsch
in Munich.Hitler spoke of Nazism being indebted to the success of Fascism’s rise to power
in Italy. In a private conversation in 1941, Hitler said that “the brown shirt would probably
not have existed without the black shirt”, the “brown shirt” referring to the Nazi militia
and the “black shirt” referring to the Fascist militia. He also said in regards to the 1920s:
“If Mussolini had been outdistanced by Marxism, I don’t know whether we could have succeeded
in holding out. At that period National Socialism was a very fragile growth”.Other Nazis—especially
those at the time associated with the party’s more radical wing such as Gregor Strasser,
Joseph Goebbels and Heinrich Himmler—rejected Italian Fascism, accusing it of being too
conservative or capitalist. Alfred Rosenberg condemned Italian Fascism for being racially
confused and having influences from philosemitism. Strasser criticised the policy of Führerprinzip
as being created by Mussolini and considered its presence in Nazism as a foreign imported
idea. Throughout the relationship between Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, a number of
lower-ranking Nazis scornfully viewed fascism as a conservative movement that lacked a full
revolutionary potential.==Ideology=====Nationalism and racialism===Nazism emphasized German nationalism, including
both irredentism and expansionism. Nazism held racial theories based upon a belief in
the existence of an Aryan master race that was superior to all other races. The Nazis
emphasised the existence of racial conflict between the Aryan race and others—particularly
Jews, whom the Nazis viewed as a mixed race that had infiltrated multiple societies and
was responsible for exploitation and repression of the Aryan race. The Nazis also categorised
Slavs as Untermensch (sub-human).====Irredentism and expansionism====The German Nazi Party supported German irredentist
claims to Austria, Alsace-Lorraine, the region now known as the Czech Republic and the territory
known since 1919 as the Polish Corridor. A major policy of the German Nazi Party was
Lebensraum (“living space”) for the German nation based on claims that Germany after
World War I was facing an overpopulation crisis and that expansion was needed to end the country’s
overpopulation within existing confined territory, and provide resources necessary to its people’s
well-being. Since the 1920s, the Nazi Party publicly promoted the expansion of Germany
into territories held by the Soviet Union.In Mein Kampf, Hitler stated that Lebensraum
would be acquired in Eastern Europe, especially Russia. In his early years as the Nazi leader,
Hitler had claimed that he would be willing to accept friendly relations with Russia on
the tactical condition that Russia agree to return to the borders established by the German–Russian
peace agreement of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk signed by Vladimir Lenin of the Russian Soviet
Federated Socialist Republic in 1918 which gave large territories held by Russia to German
control in exchange for peace. In 1921, Hitler had commended the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk
as opening the possibility for restoration of relations between Germany and Russia by
saying: Through the peace with Russia the sustenance
of Germany as well as the provision of work were to have been secured by the acquisition
of land and soil, by access to raw materials, and by friendly relations between the two
lands. From 1921 to 1922, Hitler evoked rhetoric
of both the achievement of Lebensraum involving the acceptance of a territorially reduced
Russia as well as supporting Russian nationals in overthrowing the Bolshevik government and
establishing a new Russian government. Hitler’s attitudes changed by the end of 1922, in which
he then supported an alliance of Germany with Britain to destroy Russia. Hitler later declared
how far he intended to expand Germany into Russia: Asia, what a disquieting reservoir of men!
The safety of Europe will not be assured until we have driven Asia back behind the Urals.
No organized Russian state must be allowed to exist west of that line. Policy for Lebensraum planned mass expansion
of Germany’s borders to eastwards of the Ural Mountains. Hitler planned for the “surplus”
Russian population living west of the Urals to be deported to the east of the Urals.====Racial theories====
In its racial categorization, Nazism viewed what it called the Aryan race as the master
race of the world—a race that was superior to all other races. It viewed Aryans as being
in racial conflict with a mixed race people, the Jews, whom the Nazis identified as a dangerous
enemy of the Aryans. It also viewed a number of other peoples as dangerous to the well-being
of the Aryan race. In order to preserve the perceived racial purity of the Aryan race,
a set of race laws was introduced in 1935 which came to be known as the Nuremberg Laws.
At first these laws only prevented sexual relations and marriages between Germans and
Jews, but they were later extended to the “Gypsies, Negroes, and their bastard offspring”,
who were described by the Nazis as people of “alien blood”. Such relations between Aryans
(cf. Aryan certificate) and non-Aryans were now punishable under the race laws as Rassenschande
or “race defilement”. After the war began, the race defilement law was extended to include
all foreigners (non-Germans). At the bottom of the racial scale of non-Aryans were Jews,
Romanis, Slavs and blacks. To maintain the “purity and strength” of the Aryan race, the
Nazis eventually sought to exterminate Jews, Romani, Slavs and the physically and mentally
disabled. Other groups deemed “degenerate” and “asocial” who were not targeted for extermination,
but were subjected to exclusionary treatment by the Nazi state, included homosexuals, blacks,
Jehovah’s Witnesses and political opponents. One of Hitler’s ambitions at the start of
the war was to exterminate, expel or enslave most or all Slavs from Central and Eastern
Europe in order to acquire living space for German settlers. A Nazi era school textbook for German students
entitled Heredity and Racial Biology for Students written by Jakob Graf described to students
the Nazi conception of the Aryan race in a section titled “The Aryan: The Creative Force
in Human History”. Graf claimed that the original Aryans developed from Nordic peoples who invaded
ancient India and launched the initial development of Aryan culture there that later spread to
ancient Persia and he claimed that the Aryan presence in Persia was what was responsible
for its development into an empire. He claimed that ancient Greek culture was developed by
Nordic peoples due to paintings of the time which showed Greeks who were tall, light-skinned,
light-eyed, blond-haired people. He said that the Roman Empire was developed by the Italics
who were related to the Celts who were also a Nordic people. He believed that the vanishing
of the Nordic component of the populations in Greece and Rome led to their downfall.
The Renaissance was claimed to have developed in the Western Roman Empire because of the
Germanic invasions that brought new Nordic blood to the Empire’s lands, such as the presence
of Nordic blood in the Lombards (referred to as Longobards in the book); that remnants
of the western Goths were responsible for the creation of the Spanish Empire; and that
the heritage of the Franks, Goths and Germanic peoples in France was what was responsible
for its rise as a major power. He claimed that the rise of the Russian Empire was due
to its leadership by people of Norman descent. He described the rise of Anglo-Saxon societies
in North America, South Africa and Australia as being the result of the Nordic heritage
of Anglo-Saxons. He concluded these points by saying: “Everywhere Nordic creative power
has built mighty empires with high-minded ideas, and to this very day Aryan languages
and cultural values are spread over a large part of the world, though the creative Nordic
blood has long since vanished in many places”. In Nazi Germany, the idea of creating a master
race resulted in efforts to “purify” the Deutsche Volk through eugenics and its culmination
was the compulsory sterilization or the involuntary euthanasia of physically or mentally disabled
people. After World War II, the euthanasia programme was named Action T4. The ideological
justification for euthanasia was Hitler’s view of Sparta (11th century – 195 BC) as
the original Völkisch state and he praised Sparta’s dispassionate destruction of congenitally
deformed infants in order to maintain racial purity. Some non-Aryans enlisted in Nazi organisations
like the Hitler Youth and the Wehrmacht, including Germans of African descent and Jewish descent.
The Nazis began to implement “racial hygiene” policies as soon as they came to power. The
July 1933 “Law for the Prevention of Hereditarily Diseased Offspring” prescribed compulsory
sterilization for people with a range of conditions which were thought to be hereditary, such
as schizophrenia, epilepsy, Huntington’s chorea and “imbecility”. Sterilization was also mandated
for chronic alcoholism and other forms of social deviance. An estimated 360,000 people
were sterilised under this law between 1933 and 1939. Although some Nazis suggested that
the programme should be extended to people with physical disabilities, such ideas had
to be expressed carefully, given the fact that some Nazis had physical disabilities,
one example being one of the most powerful figures of the regime, Joseph Goebbels, who
had a deformed right leg.Nazi racial theorist Hans F. K. Günther argued that European peoples
were divided into five races: Nordic, Mediterranean, Dinaric, Alpine and East Baltic. Günther
applied a Nordicist conception in order to justify his belief that Nordics were the highest
in the racial hierarchy. In his book Rassenkunde des deutschen Volkes (1922) (“Racial Science
of the German People”), Günther recognised Germans as being composed of all five races,
but emphasized the strong Nordic heritage among them. Hitler read Rassenkunde des deutschen
Volkes, which influenced his racial policy. Gunther believed that Slavs belonged to an
“Eastern race” and he warned against Germans mixing with them. The Nazis described Jews
as being a racially mixed group of primarily Near Eastern and Oriental racial types. Because
such racial groups were concentrated outside Europe, the Nazis claimed that Jews were “racially
alien” to all European peoples and that they did not have deep racial roots in Europe.Günther
emphasized Jews’ Near Eastern racial heritage. Günther identified the mass conversion of
the Khazars to Judaism in the 8th century as creating the two major branches of the
Jewish people, those of primarily Near Eastern racial heritage became the Ashkenazi Jews
(that he called Eastern Jews) while those of primarily Oriental racial heritage became
the Sephardi Jews (that he called Southern Jews). Günther claimed that the Near Eastern
type was composed of commercially spirited and artful traders, that the type held strong
psychological manipulation skills which aided them in trade. He claimed that the Near Eastern
race had been “bred not so much for the conquest and exploitation of nature as it had been
for the conquest and exploitation of people”. Günther believed that European peoples had
a racially motivated aversion to peoples of Near Eastern racial origin and their traits,
and as evidence of this he showed multiple examples of depictions of satanic figures
with Near Eastern physiognomies in European art.Hitler’s conception of the Aryan Herrenvolk
(“Aryan master race”) excluded the vast majority of Slavs from central and eastern Europe (i.e.
Poles, Russians, Ukrainians, etc.). They were regarded as a race of men not inclined to
a higher form of civilization, which was under an instinctive force that reverted them back
to nature. The Nazis also regarded the Slavs as having dangerous Jewish and Asiatic, meaning
Mongol, influences. Because of this, the Nazis declared Slavs to be Untermenschen (“subhumans”).
Nazi anthropologists attempted to scientifically prove the historical admixture of the Slavs
who lived further East and leading Nazi racial theorist Hans Günther regarded the Slavs
as being primarily Nordic centuries ago but he believed that they had mixed with non-Nordic
types over time. Exceptions were made for a small percentage of Slavs who the Nazis
saw as descended from German settlers and therefore fit to be Germanised and considered
part of the Aryan master race. Hitler described Slavs as “a mass of born slaves who feel the
need for a master”. The Nazi notion of Slavs as inferior served as a legitimization of
their desire to create Lebensraum for Germans and other Germanic people in eastern Europe,
where millions of Germans and other Germanic settlers would be moved into once those territories
were conquered, while the original Slavic inhabitants were to be annihilated, removed
or enslaved. Nazi Germany’s policy changed towards Slavs in response to military manpower
shortages, forced it to allow Slavs to serve in its armed forces within the occupied territories
in spite of the fact that they were considered “subhuman”.Hitler declared that racial conflict
against Jews was necessary in order to save Germany from suffering under them and he dismissed
concerns that the conflict with them was inhumane and unjust: We may be inhumane, but if we rescue Germany
we have achieved the greatest deed in the world. We may work injustice, but if we rescue
Germany then we have removed the greatest injustice in the world. We may be immoral,
but if our people is rescued we have opened the way for morality.
Nazi propagandist Joseph Goebbels frequently employed antisemitic rhetoric to underline
this view: “The Jew is the enemy and the destroyer of the purity of blood, the conscious destroyer
of our race.”===
Social class===National Socialist politics was based on competition
and struggle as its organizing principle, and the Nazis believed that “human life consisted
of eternal struggle and competition and derived its meaning from struggle and competition.”
The Nazis saw this eternal struggle in military terms, and advocated a society organized like
an army in order to achieve success. They promoted the idea of a national-racial “people’s
community” (Volksgemeinschaft) in order to accomplish “the efficient prosecution of the
struggle against other peoples and states.” Like an army, the Volksgemeinschaft was meant
to consist of a hierarchy of ranks or classes of people, some commanding and others obeying,
all working together for a common goal. This concept was rooted in the writings of 19th
century völkisch authors who glorified medieval German society, viewing it as a “community
rooted in the land and bound together by custom and tradition,” in which there was neither
class conflict nor selfish individualism.Nazism rejected the Marxist concept of class conflict,
and it praised both German capitalists and German workers as essential to the Volksgemeinschaft.
In the Volksgemeinschaft, social classes would continue to exist, but there would be no class
conflict between them. Hitler said that “the capitalists have worked their way to the top
through their capacity, and as the basis of this selection, which again only proves their
higher race, they have a right to lead.” German business leaders co-operated with the Nazis
during their rise to power and received substantial benefits from the Nazi state after it was
established, including high profits and state-sanctioned monopolies and cartels. Large celebrations
and symbolism were used extensively to encourage those engaged in physical labour on behalf
of Germany, with leading National Socialists often praising the “honour of labour”, which
fostered a sense of community (Gemeinschaft) for the German people and promoted solidarity
towards the Nazi cause. To win workers away from Marxism, Nazi propaganda sometimes presented
its expansionist foreign policy goals as a “class struggle between nations.” Bonfires
were made of school children’s differently coloured caps as symbolic of the unity of
different social classes.In 1922, Hitler discredited other nationalist and racialist political
parties as disconnected from the mass populace, especially lower and working-class young people: The racialists were not capable of drawing
the practical conclusions from correct theoretical judgements, especially in the Jewish Question.
In this way, the German racialist movement developed a similar pattern to that of the
1880s and 1890s. As in those days, its leadership gradually fell into the hands of highly honourable,
but fantastically naïve men of learning, professors, district counsellors, schoolmasters,
and lawyers—in short a bourgeois, idealistic, and refined class. It lacked the warm breath
of the nation’s youthful vigour. Nevertheless, the Nazi Party’s voter base
consisted mainly of farmers and the middle class, including groups such as Weimar government
officials, school teachers, doctors, clerks, self-employed businessmen, salesmen, retired
officers, engineers, and students. Their demands included lower taxes, higher prices for food,
restrictions on department stores and consumer co-operatives, and reductions in social services
and wages. The need to maintain the support of these groups made it difficult for the
Nazis to appeal to the working class, since the working class often had opposite demands.From
1928 onward, the Nazi Party’s growth into a large national political movement was dependent
on middle class support, and on the public perception that it “promised to side with
the middle classes and to confront the economic and political power of the working class.”
The financial collapse of the white collar middle-class of the 1920s figures much in
their strong support of Nazism. Although the Nazis continued to make appeals to “the German
worker,” historian Timothy Mason concludes that “Hitler had nothing but slogans to offer
the working class.”===Sex and gender===Nazi ideology advocated excluding women from
political involvement and confining them to the spheres of “Kinder, Küche, Kirche” (Children,
Kitchen, Church). Many women enthusiastically supported the regime, but formed their own
internal hierarchies. Hitler’s own opinion on the matter of women in Nazi Germany was
that while other eras of German history had experienced the development and liberation
of the female mind, the National Socialist goal was essentially singular in that it wished
for them to produce a child. Based on this theme, Hitler once remarked about women that
“with every child that she brings into the world, she fights her battle for the nation.
The man stands up for the Volk, exactly as the woman stands up for the family”. Proto-natalist
programs in Nazi Germany offered favourable loans and grants to newlyweds and encouraged
them to give birth to offspring by providing them with additional incentives. Contraception
was discouraged for racially valuable women in Nazi Germany and abortion was forbidden
by strict legal mandates, including prison sentences for women who sought them as well
as prison sentences for doctors who performed them, whereas abortion for racially “undesirable”
persons was encouraged.While unmarried until the very end of the regime, Hitler often made
excuses about his busy life hindering any chance for marriage. Among National Socialist
ideologues, marriage was valued not for moral considerations but because it provided an
optimal breeding environment. Reichsführer-SS Heinrich Himmler reportedly told a confidant
that when he established the Lebensborn program, an organisation that would dramatically increase
the birth rate of “Aryan” children through extramarital relations between women classified
as racially pure and their male equals, he had only the purest male “conception assistants”
in mind.Since the Nazis extended the Rassenschande (“race defilement”) law to all foreigners
at the beginning of the war, pamphlets were issued to German women which ordered them
to avoid sexual relations with foreign workers who were brought to Germany and the pamphlets
also ordered German women to view these same foreign workers as a danger to their blood.
Although the law was applicable to both genders, German women were punished more severely for
having sexual relations with foreign forced labourers in Germany. The Nazis issued the
Polish decrees on 8 March 1940 which contained regulations concerning the Polish forced labourers
(Zivilarbeiter) who were brought to Germany during World War II. One of the regulations
stated that any Pole “who has sexual relations with a German man or woman, or approaches
them in any other improper manner, will be punished by death”.After the decrees were
enacted, Himmler stated: Fellow Germans who engage in sexual relations
with male or female civil workers of the Polish nationality, commit other immoral acts or
engage in love affairs shall be arrested immediately. The Nazis later issued similar regulations
against the Eastern Workers (Ost-Arbeiters), including the imposition of the death penalty
if they engaged in sexual relations with German persons. Heydrich issued a decree on 20 February
1942 which declared that sexual intercourse between a German woman and a Russian worker
or prisoner of war would result in the Russian man being punished with the death penalty.
Another decree issued by Himmler on 7 December 1942 stated that any “unauthorised sexual
intercourse” would result in the death penalty. Because the Law for the Protection of German
Blood and German Honour did not permit capital punishment for race defilement, special courts
were convened in order to allow the death penalty to be imposed in some cases. German
women accused of race defilement were marched through the streets with their head shaven
and placards detailing their crimes were placed around their necks and those convicted of
race defilement were sent to concentration camps. When Himmler reportedly asked Hitler
what the punishment should be for German girls and German women who were found guilty of
race defilement with prisoners of war (POWs), he ordered that “every POW who has relations
with a German girl or a German would be shot” and the German woman should be publicly humiliated
by “having her hair shorn and being sent to a concentration camp”.The League of German
Girls was particularly regarded as instructing girls to avoid race defilement, which was
treated with particular importance for young females.====Opposition to homosexuality====After the Night of the Long Knives, Hitler
promoted Himmler and the SS, who then zealously suppressed homosexuality by saying: “We must
exterminate these people root and branch … the homosexual must be eliminated”. In 1936, Himmler
established the “Reichszentrale zur Bekämpfung der Homosexualität und Abtreibung” (“Reich
Central Office for the Combating of Homosexuality and Abortion”). The Nazi regime incarcerated
some 100,000 homosexuals during the 1930s. As concentration camp prisoners, homosexual
men were forced to wear pink triangle badges. Nazi ideology still viewed German men who
were gay as a part of the Aryan master race, but the Nazi regime attempted to force them
into sexual and social conformity. Homosexuals were viewed as failing in their duty to procreate
and reproduce for the Aryan nation. Gay men who would not change or feign a change in
their sexual orientation were sent to concentration camps under the “Extermination Through Work”
campaign.===Religion===The Nazi Party Programme of 1920 guaranteed
freedom for all religious denominations which were not hostile to the State and it also
endorsed Positive Christianity in order to combat “the Jewish-materialist spirit”. Positive
Christianity was a modified version of Christianity which emphasized racial purity and nationalism.
The Nazis were aided by theologians such as Ernst Bergmann. In his work Die 25 Thesen
der Deutschreligion (Twenty-five Points of the German Religion), Bergmann held the view
that the Old Testament of the Bible was inaccurate along with portions of the New Testament,
claimed that Jesus was not a Jew but was instead of Aryan origin and he also claimed that Adolf
Hitler was the new messiah.Hitler denounced the Old Testament as “Satan’s Bible” and utilising
components of the New Testament he attempted to prove that Jesus was both an Aryan and
an antisemite by citing passages such as John 8:44 where he noted that Jesus is yelling
at “the Jews”, as well as saying to them “your father is the devil” and the Cleansing of
the Temple, which describes Jesus’ whipping of the “Children of the Devil”. Hitler claimed
that the New Testament included distortions by Paul the Apostle, who Hitler described
as a “mass-murderer turned saint”. In their propaganda, the Nazis utilised the writings
of Martin Luther, the founder of Protestantism. They publicly displayed an original edition
of Luther’s On the Jews and their Lies during the annual Nuremberg rallies. The Nazis endorsed
the pro-Nazi Protestant German Christians organization.
The Nazis were initially very hostile to Catholics because most Catholics supported the German
Centre Party. Catholics opposed the Nazis’ promotion of compulsory sterilization of those
whom they deemed inferior and the Catholic Church forbade its members to vote for the
Nazis. In 1933, extensive Nazi violence occurred against Catholics due to their association
with the Centre Party and their opposition to the Nazi regime’s sterilization laws. The
Nazis demanded that Catholics declare their loyalty to the German state. In their propaganda,
the Nazis used elements of Germany’s Catholic history, in particular the German Catholic
Teutonic Knights and their campaigns in Eastern Europe. The Nazis identified them as “sentinels”
in the East against “Slavic chaos”, though beyond that symbolism, the influence of the
Teutonic Knights on Nazism was limited. Hitler also admitted that the Nazis’ night rallies
were inspired by the Catholic rituals which he had witnessed during his Catholic upbringing.
The Nazis did seek official reconciliation with the Catholic Church and they endorsed
the creation of the pro-Nazi Catholic Kreuz und Adler, an organization which advocated
a form of national Catholicism that would reconcile the Catholic Church’s beliefs with
Nazism. On 20 July 1933, a concordat (Reichskonkordat) was signed between Nazi Germany and the Catholic
Church, which in exchange for acceptance of the Catholic Church in Germany required German
Catholics to be loyal to the German state. The Catholic Church then ended its ban on
members supporting the Nazi Party.Historian Michael Burleigh claims that Nazism used Christianity
for political purposes, but such use required that “fundamental tenets were stripped out,
but the remaining diffuse religious emotionality had its uses”. Burleigh claims that Nazism’s
conception of spirituality was “self-consciously pagan and primitive”. However, historian Roger
Griffin rejects the claim that Nazism was primarily pagan, noting that although there
were some influential neo-paganists in the Nazi Party, such as Heinrich Himmler and Alfred
Rosenberg, they represented a minority and their views did not influence Nazi ideology
beyond its use for symbolism. It is noted that Hitler denounced Germanic paganism in
Mein Kampf and condemned Rosenberg’s and Himmler’s paganism as “nonsense”.===Economics===Generally speaking, Nazi theorists and politicians
blamed Germany’s previous economic failures on political causes like the influence of
Marxism on the workforce, the sinister and exploitative machinations of what they called
international Jewry and the vindictiveness of the western political leaders’ war reparation
demands. Instead of traditional economic incentives, the Nazis offered solutions of a political
nature, such as the elimination of organised trade unions, rearmament (in contravention
of the Versailles Treaty) and biological politics. Various work programs designed to establish
full-employment for the German population were instituted once the Nazis seized full
national power. Hitler encouraged nationally supported projects like the construction of
the Autobahn highway system, the introduction of an affordable people’s car (Volkswagen)
and later the Nazis bolstered the economy through the business and employment generated
by military rearmament. The Nazis benefited early in the regime’s existence from the first
post–Depression economic upswing, and this combined with their public works projects,
job-procurement program and subsidised home repair program reduced unemployment by as
much as 40 percent in one year. This development tempered the unfavourable psychological climate
caused by the earlier economic crisis and encouraged Germans to march in step with the
regime.Upon being appointed Chancellor in 1933, Hitler promised measures to increase
employment, protect the German currency, and promote recovery from the Great Depression.
These included an agrarian settlement program, labor service, and a guarantee to maintain
health care and pensions. But above all, his priority was rearmament, and the buildup of
the German military in preparation for an eventual war to conquer Lebensraum in the
East. Thus, at the beginning of his rule, Hitler said that “the future of Germany
depends exclusively and only on the reconstruction of the Wehrmacht. All other tasks must cede
precedence to the task of rearmament.” This policy was implemented immediately, with military
expenditures quickly growing far larger than the civilian work-creation programs. As early
as June 1933, military spending for the year was budgeted to be three times larger than
the spending on all civilian work-creation measures in 1932 and 1933 combined. Nazi Germany
increased its military spending faster than any other state in peacetime, with the share
of military spending rising from 1 percent to 10 percent of national income in the first
two years of the regime alone. Eventually, by 1944, it reached as high as 75 percent.In
spite of their rhetoric condemning big business prior to their rise to power, the Nazis quickly
entered into a partnership with German business from as early as February 1933. That month,
after being appointed Chancellor but before gaining dictatorial powers, Hitler made a
personal appeal to German business leaders to help fund the Nazi Party for the crucial
months that were to follow. He argued that they should support him in establishing a
dictatorship because “private enterprise cannot be maintained in the age of democracy” and
because democracy would allegedly lead to communism. He promised to destroy the German
left and the trade unions, without any mention of anti-Jewish policies or foreign conquests.
In the following weeks, the Nazi Party received contributions from seventeen different business
groups, with the largest coming from IG Farben and Deutsche Bank. Historian Adam Tooze writes
that the leaders of German business were therefore “willing partners in the destruction of political
pluralism in Germany.” In exchange, owners and managers of German businesses were granted
unprecedented powers to control their workforce, collective bargaining was abolished and wages
were frozen at a relatively low level. Business profits also rose very rapidly, as did corporate
investment. In addition, the Nazis privatised public properties and public services, but
at the same time they increased economic state control through regulations. Hitler believed
that private ownership was useful in that it encouraged creative competition and technical
innovation, but insisted that it had to conform to national interests and be “productive”
rather than “parasitical”. Private property rights were conditional upon following the
economic priorities set by the Nazi leadership, with high profits as a reward for firms who
followed them and the threat of nationalization being used against those who did not. Under
Nazi economics, free competition and self-regulating markets diminished, but Hitler’s social Darwinist
beliefs made him retain business competition and private property as economic engines.Agrarian
policies were also important to the Nazis since they corresponded not just to the economy
but to their geopolitical conception of Lebensraum as well. For Hitler, the acquisition of land
and soil was requisite in moulding the German economy. To tie farmers to their land, selling
agricultural land was prohibited. Farm ownership remained private, but business monopoly rights
were granted to marketing boards to control production and prices with a quota system.
The “Hereditary Farm Law of 1933” established a cartel structure under a government body
known as the Reichsnährstand (RNST) which determined “everything from what seeds and
fertilizers were used to how land was inherited”.The Nazis were hostile to the idea of social welfare
in principle, upholding instead the social Darwinist concept that the weak and feeble
should perish. They condemned the welfare system of the Weimar Republic as well as private
charity, accusing them of supporting people regarded as racially inferior and weak, who
should have been weeded out in the process of natural selection. Nevertheless, faced
with the mass unemployment and poverty of the Great Depression, the Nazis found it necessary
to set up charitable institutions to help racially-pure Germans in order to maintain
popular support, while arguing that this represented “racial self-help” and not indiscriminate
charity or universal social welfare. Thus, Nazi programs such as the Winter Relief of
the German People and the broader National Socialist People’s Welfare (NSV) were organized
as quasi-private institutions, officially relying on private donations from Germans
to help others of their race – although in practice those who refused to donate could
face severe consequences. Unlike the social welfare institutions of the Weimar Republic
and the Christian charities, the NSV distributed assistance on explicitly racial grounds. It
provided support only to those who were “racially sound, capable of and willing to work, politically
reliable, and willing and able to reproduce.” Non-Aryans were excluded, as well as the “work-shy”,
“asocials” and the “hereditarily ill.” Successful efforts were made to get middle-class women
involved in social work assisting large families, and the Winter Relief campaigns acted as a
ritual to generate public sympathy.Hitler primarily viewed the German economy as an
instrument of power and believed the economy was not about creating wealth and technical
progress so as to improve the quality of life for a nation’s citizenry, but rather that
economic success was paramount for providing the means and material foundations necessary
for military conquest. While economic progress generated by National Socialist programs had
its role in appeasing the German people, the Nazis and Hitler in particular did not believe
that economic solutions alone were sufficient to thrust Germany onto the stage as a world
power. The Nazis thus sought to secure a general economic revival accompanied by massive military
spending for rearmament, especially later through the implementation of the Four Year
Plan, which consolidated their rule and firmly secured a command relationship between the
German arms industry and the National Socialist government. Between 1933 and 1939, military
expenditures were upwards of 82 billion Reichsmarks and represented 23 percent of Germany’s gross
national product as the Nazis mobilised their people and economy for war.====Anti-communism====
The Nazis claimed that communism was dangerous to the well-being of nations because of its
intention to dissolve private property, its support of class conflict, its aggression
against the middle class, its hostility towards small business and its atheism. Nazism rejected
class conflict-based socialism and economic egalitarianism, favouring instead a stratified
economy with social classes based on merit and talent, retaining private property and
the creation of national solidarity that transcends class distinction. Historians Ian Kershaw
and Joachim Fest argue that in post–World War I Germany, the Nazis were one of many
nationalist and fascist political parties contending for the leadership of Germany’s
anti-communist movement. In Mein Kampf, Hitler stated his desire to
“make war upon the Marxist principle that all men are equal.” He believed that “the
notion of equality was a sin against nature.” Nazism upheld the “natural inequality of men,”
including inequality between races and also within each race. The National Socialist state
aimed to advance those individuals with special talents or intelligence, so they could rule
over the masses. Nazi ideology relied on elitism and the Führerprinzip (leadership principle),
arguing that elite minorities should assume leadership roles over the majority, and that
the elite minority should itself be organized according to a “hierarchy of talent,” with
a single leader – the Führer – at the top. The Führerprinzip held that each member of
the hierarchy owed absolute obedience to those above him and should hold absolute power over
those below him.During the 1920s, Hitler urged disparate Nazi factions to unite in opposition
to Jewish Bolshevism. Hitler asserted that the “three vices” of “Jewish Marxism” were
democracy, pacifism and internationalism. The Communist movement, the trade unions,
the Social Democratic Party and the left-wing press were all considered to be Jewish-controlled
and part of the “international Jewish conspiracy” to weaken the German nation by promoting internal
disunity through class struggle. The Nazis also believed that the Jews had instigated
the Bolshevik revolution in Russia and that Communists had stabbed Germany in the back
and caused it to lose the First World War. They further argued that modern cultural trends
of the 1920s (such as jazz music and cubist art) represented “cultural Bolshevism” and
were part of a political assault aimed at the spiritual degeneration of the German Volk.
Joseph Goebbels published a pamphlet titled The Nazi-Sozi which gave brief points of how
National Socialism differed from Marxism. In 1930, Hitler said: “Our adopted term ‘Socialist’
has nothing to do with Marxist Socialism. Marxism is anti-property; true Socialism is
not”.The Communist Party of Germany (KPD) was the largest Communist Party in the world
outside of the Soviet Union, until it was destroyed by the Nazis in 1933. In the 1920s
and early 30s, Communists and Nazis often fought each other directly in street violence,
with the Nazi paramilitary organizations being opposed by the Communist Red Front and Anti-Fascist
Action. After the beginning of the Great Depression, both Communists and Nazis saw their share
of the vote increase. However, while the Nazis were willing to form alliances with other
parties of the right, the Communists refused to form an alliance with the Social Democratic
Party of Germany, the largest party of the left. After the Nazis came to power, they
quickly banned the Communist Party under the allegation that it was preparing for revolution
and that it had caused the Reichstag fire. Four thousand KPD officials were arrested
in February 1933, and by the end of the year 130,000 communists had been sent to concentration
camps.During the late 1930s and the 1940s, anti-communist regimes and groups that supported
Nazism included the Falange in Spain, the Vichy regime and the 33rd Waffen Grenadier
Division of the SS Charlemagne (1st French) in France and the British Union of Fascists
under Sir Oswald Mosley.====Anti-capitalism====
The Nazis argued that free market capitalism damages nations due to international finance
and the worldwide economic dominance of disloyal big business, which they considered to be
the product of Jewish influences. Nazi propaganda posters in working class districts emphasised
anti-capitalism, such as one that said: “The maintenance of a rotten industrial system
has nothing to do with nationalism. I can love Germany and hate capitalism”.Both in
public and in private, Hitler expressed disdain for capitalism, arguing that it holds nations
ransom in the interests of a parasitic cosmopolitan rentier class. He opposed free market capitalism
because it “could not be trusted to put national interests first,” and he desired an economy
that would direct resources “in ways that matched the many national goals of the regime,”
such as the buildup of the military, building programs for cities and roads, and economic
self-sufficiency. Hitler also distrusted capitalism for being unreliable due to its egotism and
he preferred a state-directed economy that maintains private property and competition
but subordinates them to the interests of the Volk.Hitler told a party leader in 1934:
“The economic system of our day is the creation of the Jews”. Hitler said to Benito Mussolini
that capitalism had “run its course”. Hitler also said that the business bourgeoisie “know
nothing except their profit. ‘Fatherland’ is only a word for them.” Hitler was personally
disgusted with the ruling bourgeois elites of Germany during the period of the Weimar
Republic, who he referred to as “cowardly shits”.In Mein Kampf, Hitler effectively supported
mercantilism in the belief that economic resources from their respective territories should be
seized by force, as he believed that the policy of Lebensraum would provide Germany with such
economically valuable territories. Hitler argued that the only means to maintain economic
security was to have direct control over resources rather than being forced to rely on world
trade. He claimed that war to gain such resources was the only means to surpass the failing
capitalist economic system.Joseph Goebbels, who would later go on to become the Nazi Propaganda
Minister, was strongly opposed to both capitalism and communism, viewing them as the “two great
pillars of materialism” that were “part of the international Jewish conspiracy for world
domination.” Nevertheless, he wrote in his diary in 1925 that if he were forced to choose
between them, “in the final analysis”, “it would be better for us to go down with Bolshevism
than live in eternal slavery under capitalism”. He also linked his anti-Semitism to his anti-capitalism,
stating in a 1929 pamphlet that “we see, in the Hebrews, the incarnation of capitalism,
the misuse of the nation’s goods.”Within the Nazi Party, the faction associated with anti-capitalist
beliefs was the Sturmabteilung (SA), a paramilitary wing led by Ernst Röhm. The SA had a complicated
relationship with the rest of the party, giving both Röhm himself and local SA leaders significant
autonomy. Different local leaders would even promote different political ideas in their
units, including “nationalistic, socialistic, anti-Semitic, racist, völkisch, or conservative
ideas.” There was tension between the SA and Hitler, especially from 1930 onward, as Hitler’s
“increasingly close association with big industrial interests and traditional rightist forces”
caused many in the SA to distrust him. The SA regarded Hitler’s seizure of power in 1933
as a “first revolution” against the left, and some voices within the ranks began arguing
for a “second revolution” against the right. After engaging in violence against the left
in 1933, Röhm’s SA also began attacks against individuals deemed to be associated with conservative
reaction. Hitler saw Röhm’s independent actions as violating and possibly threatening his
leadership, as well as jeopardising the regime by alienating the conservative President Paul
von Hindenburg and the conservative-oriented German Army. This resulted in Hitler purging
Röhm and other radical members of the SA in 1934, during the Night of the Long Knives.===Totalitarianism===Under Nazism, with its emphasis on the nation,
individualism was denounced and instead importance was placed upon Germans belonging to the German
Volk and “people’s community” (Volksgemeinschaft). Hitler declared that “every activity and every
need of every individual will be regulated by the collectivity represented by the party”
and that “there are no longer any free realms in which the individual belongs to himself”.
Himmler justified the establishment of a repressive police state, in which the security forces
could exercise power arbitrarily, by claiming that national security and order should take
precedence over the needs of the individual.According to the famous philosopher and political theorist,
Hannah Arendt, the allure of Nazism as a totalitarian ideology (with its attendant mobilisation
of the German population) resided within the construct of helping that society deal with
the cognitive dissonance resultant from the tragic interruption of the First World War
and the economic and material suffering consequent to the Depression and brought to order the
revolutionary unrest occurring all around them. Instead of the plurality that existed
in democratic or parliamentary states, Nazism as a totalitarian system promulgated “clear”
solutions to the historical problems faced by Germany, levied support by de-legitimizing
the former government of Weimar and provided a politico-biological pathway to a better
future, one free from the uncertainty of the past. It was the atomised and disaffected
masses that Hitler and the party elite pointed in a particular direction and using clever
propaganda to make them into ideological adherents, exploited in bringing Nazism to life.While
the ideologues of Nazism, much like those of Stalinism, abhorred democratic or parliamentary
governance as practiced in the United States or Britain, their differences are substantial.
An epistemic crisis occurs when one tries to synthesize and contrast Nazism and Stalinism
as two-sides of the same coin with their similarly tyrannical leaders, state-controlled economies
and repressive police structures. Namely, while they share a common thematic political
construction, they are entirely inimical to one another in their worldviews and when more
carefully analysed against one another on a one-to-one level, an “irreconcilable asymmetry”
results.==Reactionary or revolutionary?==
Although Nazism is often seen as a reactionary movement, it did not seek a return of Germany
to the pre-Weimar monarchy, but instead looked much further back to a mythic halcyon Germany
which never existed. It has also been seen – as it was by the German-American scholar
Franz Leopold Neumann – as the result of a crisis of capitalism which manifested as
a “totalitarian monopoly capitalism”. In this view Nazism is a mass movement of the middle
class which was in opposition to a mass movement of workers in socialism and its extreme form,
Communism. Historian Karl Dietrich Bracher, however, argues that, Such an interpretation runs the risk of misjudging
the revolutionary component of National Socialism, which cannot be dismissed as being simply
reactionary. Rather, from the very outset, and particularly as it developed into the
SS state, National Socialism aimed at a transformation of state and society.
and that, Hitler’s and the Nazi Party’s political positions were of a revolutionary nature: destruction
of existing political and social structures and their supporting elites; profound dispain
for civic order, for human and moral values, for Habsburg and Hohenzollern, for liberal
and Marxist ideas. The middle class and middle-class values, bourgeois nationalism and capitalism,
the professionals, the intelligentsia and the upper class were dealt the sharpest rebuff.
These were the groups which had to be uprooted… After the failure of the Beer Hall Putsch
in 1923, and his subsequent trial and imprisonment, Hitler decided that the way for the Nazi Party
to achieve power was not through insurrection, but through legal and quasi-legal means. This
did not sit well with the brown-shirted stormtroopers of the SA, especially those in Berlin, who
chafed under the restrictions that Hitler placed on them, and their subordination to
the party. This resulted in the Stennes Revolt of 1930-31, after which Hitler made himself
the Supreme Commander of the SA, and brought Ernst Röhm back to be their Chief of Staff
and keep them in line. The quashing of the SA’s revolutionary fervor convinced many businessmen
and military leaders that the Nazis had put aside their insurrectionist past, and that
Hitler could be a reliable partner However, after the Nazis’ “Seizure of Power” in 1933,
Röhm and the Brown Shirts were not content for the party to simply carry the reigns of
power. Instead, they pressed for a continuation of the “National Socialist revolution” to
bring about sweeping social changes, which Hitler, primarily for tactical reasons, was
not willing to do at that time. He was instead focused on rebuilding the military and reorienting
the economy to provide the rearmament necessary for invasion of the countries to the east
of Germany, especially Poland and Russia, to get the Lebensraum (“living space”) he
believed was necessary to the survival of the Aryan race. For this, he needed the co-operation
of not only the military, but also the vital organs of capitalism, the banks and big businesses,
which he would be unlikely to get if Germany’s social and economic structure was being radically
overhauled. Röhm’s public proclamation that the SA would not allow the “German Revolution”
to be halted or undermined caused Hitler to announce that “The revolution is not a permanent
condition.” The unwillingness of Röhm and the SA to cease their agitation for a “Second
Revolution”, and the unwarranted fear of a “Röhm putsch” to accomplish it, were factors
behind Hitler’s purging of the SA leadership in the Night of the Long Knives in July 1934.Despite
such tactical breaks necessitated by pragmatic concerns, which were typical for Hitler during
his rise to power and in the early years of his regime, Hitler never ceased being a revolutionary
dedicated to the radical transformation of Germany, especially when it concerned racial
matters. In his monograph, Hitler: Study of a Revolutionary?, Martyn Housden concludes: [Hitler] compiled a most extensive set of
revolutionary goals (calling for radical social and political change); he mobilized a revolutionary
following so extensive and powerful that many of his aims were achieved; he established
and ran a dictatorial revolutionary state; and he disseminated his ideas abroad through
a revolutionary foreign policy and war. In short, he defined and controlled the National
Socialist revolution in all its phases. Of course, there were aspects of Nazism which
were reactionary, such as their attitude toward the role of women in society, which was completely
traditionalist, calling for the return of women to the home as wives, mothers and homemakers,
although ironically this ideological policy was undermined in reality by the growing labor
shortages and need for more workers. The number of women in the workplace climbed throughout
the period of Nazi control of Germany, from 4.24 million in 1933 to 4.52 million in 1936
and 5.2 million in 1938, numbers that far exceeded those of the Weimar Republic.Another
reactionary aspect of Nazism was in their arts policy, which stemmed from Hitler’s rejection
of all forms of “degenerate” modern art, music and architecture. Overall, however, Nazism
– being the ideology and practices of the Nazi Party, and the Nazi Party being the manifestation
of Hitler’s will – is best seen as essentially revolutionary in nature.==Post-war Nazism==Following Nazi Germany’s defeat in World War
II and the end of the Holocaust, overt expressions of support for Nazi ideas were prohibited
in Germany and other European countries. Nonetheless, movements which self-identify as National
Socialist or which are described as adhering to National Socialism continue to exist on
the fringes of politics in many western societies. Usually espousing a white supremacist ideology,
many deliberately adopt the symbols of Nazi Germany.==See also==
Comparison of Nazism and Stalinism Consequences of Nazism
Fascist syndicalism Functionalism versus intentionalism
List of books about Nazi Germany National syndicalism
Nazi occultism Political views of Adolf Hitler==References==
Notes Bibliography Bendersky, Joseph W. (1985). A History of
Nazi Germany. Nelson-Hall. Bracher, Karl Dietrich (1970). The German
Dictatorship. Translated by Jean Steinberg. New York: Penguin Books. ISBN 0-14-013724-6.
Evans, Richard J. (2003). The Coming of the Third Reich. New York: Penguin Books. ISBN
978-0-14-303469-8. Evans, Richard J. (2005). The Third Reich
in Power. New York: Penguin Books. ISBN 978-0-14-303790-3. Fritzsche, Peter (1990). Rehearsals for Fascism:
Populism and Political Mobilization in Weimar Germany. New York: Oxford University Press.
ISBN 0-19-505780-5. Kershaw, Ian (1999). Hitler 1889-1936: Hubris.
Penguin. ISBN 0140133631. Goodrick-Clarke, Nicholas (2004) [1985]. The
Occult Roots of Nazism: Secret Aryan Cults and Their Influence on Nazi Ideology: The
Ariosophists of Austria and Germany, 1890–1935. Wellingborough, England: The Aquarian Press.
ISBN 0-85030-402-4 and ISBN 1-86064-973-4. Goodrick-Clarke, Nicholas (2003) [2002]. Black
Sun: Aryan Cults, Esoteric Nazism and the Politics of Identity. New York University
Press. ISBN 0-8147-3155-4. Klemperer, Victor (1947). LTI – Lingua Tertii
Imperii. Majer, Diemut (2003). “Non-Germans” Under
the Third Reich: The Nazi Judicial and Administrative System in Germany and Occupied Eastern Europe
with Special Regard to Occupied Poland, 1939-1945. JHU Press. ISBN 978-0-8018-6493-3.
Mason, Timothy W. (1993). Social Policy in the Third Reich. Berg Publishers.
McNab, Chris (2009). The Third Reich. Amber Books Ltd. ISBN 978-1-906626-51-8.
Nyomarkay, Joseph (1967). Charisma and Factionalism in the Nazi Party. Univ Of Minnesota Press.
ISBN 978-0816604296. Paxton, Robert (2005). The Anatomy of Fascism.
London: Penguin Books Ltd. ISBN 0-14-101432-6. Peukert, Detlev (1989). Inside Nazi Germany:
Conformity, Opposition, and Racism in Everyday Life. New Haven: Yale University Press. ISBN
978-0-300-04480-5. Redles, David (2005). Hitler’s Millennial
Reich: Apocalyptic Belief and the Search for Salvation. New York: University Press. ISBN
0-8147-7524-1. Miller, Barbara (2014). Nazi Ideology Before
1933: A Documentation. University of Texas Press. ISBN 978-1-4773-0445-7.
Steigmann-Gall, Richard (2003). The Holy Reich: Nazi Conceptions of Christianity, 1919–1945.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Steinweis, Alan. Studying the Jew: Scholarly
Antisemitism in Nazi Germany. Harvard University Press, 2008.
Jaworska, Sylvia (2011). “Anti-Slavic imagery in German radical nationalist discourse at
the turn of the twentieth century: A prelude to Nazi ideology?” (PDF). Patterns of Prejudice.
45 (5): 435–452. doi:10.1080/0031322x.2011.624762. Tooze, Adam (2006). The Wages of Destruction:
The Making and Breaking of the Nazi Economy. Penguin.Further reading Hitler, Adolf (2000). “24 March 1942”. Hitler’s
Table Talk, 1941–1944: His Private Conversations. translation by Norman Cameron and R. H. Stevens;
introduction by H. R. Trevor-Roper. Enigma Books. pp. 162–163. ISBN 1-929631-05-7.==External links==
The dictionary definition of Hitlerism at Wiktionary
The dictionary definition of Nazi at Wiktionary Hitler’s National Socialist Party platform
NS-Archiv, a large collection of scanned original Nazi documents.
Exhibit on Hitler and the Germans – slideshow by The New York Times
Jonathan Meades (1994): Jerry Building – Unholy Relics of Nazi Germany on YouTube (in 4 parts)
One of the first anti-nazi films in history Calling mr. Smith (1943) against Hitler.

2 thoughts on “Nazi | Wikipedia audio article

  1. i see this and i think how can a word such as PASSION BEEN SHOWN FROM THEM .. did you show all the passion you could to JEWS.. please explain . lol WORDS YOU USE OR TRY TO HIDE BEHIND LIKE I CANT SEE THEM

  2. ss spaceship but you can continue to twist this up however you want GOT PLANS FOR NAUGHT Z EYE ASSHOLES LIKE YOU <> NOW THAT WORD STICKS

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