Irish nationalism | Wikipedia audio article

Irish nationalism | Wikipedia audio article


Irish nationalism is a nationalist ideology
which asserts that the Irish people are a nation. It espouses the creation of a sovereign
Irish nation-state on the island of Ireland.. It grew more potent during Ireland’s time
as a dominion of Britain, which ultimately lead to most of the island seceding from the
United Kingdom in 1921. Politically, Irish nationalism gave way to many factions which
created conflict, often violent, throughout the island. The chief division affecting nationalism
in Ireland was religious. The majority of the island’s population was Roman Catholic,
which is the part that seceded, but a portion of the northern part has a Protestant majority
that elected to stay a part of the United Kingdom. Since the partition of Ireland, the
term Irish nationalism often refers to support for the island’s unification. Irish nationalists
assert that foreign rule has been detrimental to Irish national interests. Irish nationalism
also speaks to celebration of the culture of Ireland, especially the Irish language,
literature, music and sports.==History=====
Early development===Generally, Irish nationalism is regarded as
having emerged following the Renaissance revival of the concept of the patria and the religious
struggle between the ideology of the Protestant Reformation and the Catholic Counter-Reformation.
At this early stage in the 16th century, Irish nationalism represented an ideal of the native
Gaelic Irish and the Old English banding together in common cause, under the banner of Catholicism
and Irish civic identity (“faith and fatherland/motherland”), hoping to protect their land and interests
from the New English Protestant forces sponsored by England. This vision sought to overcome
the old ethnic divide between Gaeil (the native Irish) and Gaill (the Normans) which had been
a feature of Irish life since the 12th century. Protestantism in England introduced a religious
element to the 16th century Tudor conquest of Ireland, as many of the native Gaels and
Hiberno-Normans remained Catholic. The Plantations of Ireland dispossessed many native Catholic
landowners in favour of Protestant settlers from England and Scotland. In addition, the
Plantation of Ulster, begun in 1609, “planted” a sizeable population of English and Scottish
Protestant settlers into the north of Ireland. Irish aristocrats waged many campaigns against
the English presence. A prime example is the rebellion of Hugh O’Neill which became known
as the Nine Years War of 1594–1603, which aimed to expel the English and make Ireland
a Spanish protectorate. A more significant movement came in the 1640s,
after the Irish Rebellion of 1641, when a coalition of Gaelic Irish and Old English
Catholics set up a de facto independent Irish state to fight in the Wars of the Three Kingdoms
(see Confederate Ireland). The Confederate Catholics of Ireland, also known as the Confederation
of Kilkenny, emphasised the idea of Ireland as a Kingdom independent from England, albeit
under the same monarch. They demanded autonomy for the Irish Parliament, full rights for
Catholics and an end to the confiscation of Catholic-owned land. The Cromwellian conquest
of Ireland (1649–53) destroyed the Confederate cause and resulted in the permanent dispossession
of the old Catholic landowning class. A similar Irish Catholic monarchist movement
emerged in the 1680s and 1690s, when Irish Catholic Jacobites supported James II after
his deposition in England in the Glorious Revolution of 1688–1689. The Jacobites demanded
that Irish Catholics have a majority in an autonomous Irish Parliament, the restoration
of confiscated Catholic land, and an Irish-born Lord Deputy of Ireland. Similarly to the Confederates
of the 1640s, the Jacobites were conscious of representing the “Irish nation”, but were
not separatists and largely represented the interests of the landed class as opposed to
all the Irish people. Like the Confederates, they also suffered defeat, in the Williamite
War in Ireland (1689–1691). Thereafter, the largely English Protestant Ascendancy
dominated Irish government and landholding. The Penal Laws discriminated against non-Anglicans.
(See also History of Ireland 1536–1691.) This coupling of religious and ethnic identity
– principally Roman Catholic and Gaelic – as well as a consciousness of dispossession
and defeat at the hands of British and Protestant forces, became enduring features of Irish
nationalism. However, the Irish Catholic movements of the 16th century were invariably led by
a small landed and clerical elite. Professor Kevin Whelan has traced the emergence of the
modern Catholic-nationalist identity that formed in 1760–1830. Irish historian Marc
Caball, on the other hand, claims that “early modern Irish nationalism” began to be established
after the Flight of the Earls (1607), based on the concepts of “the indivisibility of
Gaelic cultural integrity, territorial sovereignty, and the interlinking of Gaelic identity with
profession of the Roman Catholic faith”.===Early nationalism=======
Pre-Union====The exclusively Protestant Parliament of Ireland
of the eighteenth century repeatedly called for more autonomy from the British Parliament
– particularly the repeal of Poynings’ Law, which allowed the latter to legislate for
Ireland. They were supported by popular sentiment that came from the various publications of
William Molyneux about Irish constitutional independence; this was later reinforced by
Jonathan Swift’s incorporation of these ideas into Drapier’s Letters.Parliamentarians who
wanted more self-government formed the Irish Patriot Party, led by Henry Grattan, who achieved
substantial legislative independence in 1782–83. Grattan and radical elements of the ‘Irish
Whig’ party campaigned in the 1790s for Catholic political equality and a reform of electoral
rights. He wanted useful links with Britain to remain, best understood by his comment:
‘The channel [Irish sea] forbids union; the ocean forbids separation’.
Grattan’s movement was notable for being both inclusive and nationalist as many of its members
were descended from the Anglo/Irish minority. Many other nationalists such as Samuel Neilson,
Theobald Wolfe Tone and Robert Emmet were also descended from plantation families which
had arrived in Ireland since 1600. From Grattan in the 1770s to Parnell up to 1890, nearly
all the leaders of Irish separatism were Protestant nationalists.
Modern Irish nationalism with democratic aspirations began in the 1790s with the founding of the
Society of the United Irishmen. It sought to end discrimination against Catholics and
Presbyterians and to found an independent Irish republic. Most of the United Irish leaders
were Catholic and Presbyterian and inspired by the French Revolution, wanted a society
without sectarian divisions, the continuation of which they attributed to the British domination
over the country. They were sponsored by the French Republic, which was then the enemy
of the Holy See. The United Irishmen led the Irish Rebellion of 1798, which was repressed
with great bloodshed. As a result, the Irish Parliament voted to abolish itself in the
Act of Union of 1800–01 and thereafter Irish MPs sat in London.====Post-Union====
Two forms of Irish nationalism arose from these events. One was a radical movement,
known as Irish republicanism. It believed the use of force was necessary to found a
secular, egalitarian Irish republic, advocated by groups such as the Young Irelanders, some
of whom launched a rebellion in 1848.The other nationalist tradition was more moderate, urging
non-violent means to seek concessions from the British government. While both nationalist
traditions were predominantly Catholic in their support base, the hierarchy of the Catholic
Church were opposed to republican separatism on the grounds of its violent methods and
secular ideology, while they usually supported non-violent reformist nationalism.Daniel O’Connell
was the leader of the moderate tendency. O’Connell, head of the Catholic Association and Repeal
Association in the 1820s, ’30s and ’40s, campaigned for Catholic Emancipation – full political
rights for Catholics – and then “Repeal of the Union”, or Irish self-government under
the Crown. Catholic Emancipation was achieved, but self-government was not. O’Connell’s movement
was more explicitly Catholic than its eighteenth century predecessors. It enjoyed the support
of the Catholic clergy, who had denounced the United Irishmen and reinforced the association
between Irish identity and Catholicism. The Repeal Association used traditional Irish
imagery, such as the harp, and located its mass meetings in sites such as Tara and Clontarf
which had a special resonance in Irish history.===Repeal Association & Young Ireland===
In the late 19th century, Irish nationalism became the dominant ideology in Ireland, having
a major Parliamentary party in the Parliament of the United Kingdom at Westminster that
launched a concerted campaign for self-government. This period also saw the emergence of militant
republican movement called the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) or Fenians, with an offshoot
named Clan na Gael in the United States, founded by exiled members of the Young Irelanders.
The Great Famine of 1845–49 caused great bitterness among Irish people against the
British government, which was perceived as having failed to avert the deaths of up to
a million people. Clan na Gael, led by John Devoy organised Irish veterans of the American
Civil War to attack Canada, with the intention of demanding a British withdrawal from Ireland.
The Irish Republican Brotherhood was set up in Ireland at the same time.
In Ireland itself, the IRB tried an armed revolt in 1867 but, as it was heavily infiltrated
by police informers, the rising was a failure.===Land League===
Mass nationalist mobilisation began when Isaac Butt’s Home Rule League (which had been founded
in 1873 but had little following) adopted social issues in the late 1870s – especially
the question of land redistribution. Michael Davitt (an IRB member) founded the Irish Land
League in 1879 during an agricultural depression to agitate for tenant’s rights. Some would
argue the land question had a nationalist resonance in Ireland as many Irish Catholics
believed that land had been unjustly taken from their ancestors by Protestant English
colonists in the 17th century Plantations of Ireland. Indeed, the Irish landed class
was still largely an Anglo-Irish Protestant group in the 19th century. Such perceptions
were underlined in the Land league’s language and literature. However, others would argue
that the Land League had its direct roots in tenant associations formed in the period
of agricultural prosperity during the government of Lord Palmerston in the 1850s and 1860s,
who were seeking to strengthen the economic gains they had already made. Following the
depression of 1879 and the subsequent fall in prices (and hence profits), these farmers
were threatened with rising rents and eviction for failure to pay rents. In addition, small
farmers, especially in the west faced the prospect of another famine in the harsh winter
of 1879. At first, the Land League campaigned for the “Three Fs” – fair rent, free sale
and fixity of tenure. Then, as prices for agricultural products fell further and the
weather worsened in the mid-1880s, tenants organised themselves by withholding rent during
the 1886–1891 Plan of Campaign movement. Militant nationalists such as the Fenians
saw that they could use the groundswell of support for land reform to recruit nationalist
support, this is the reason why the New Departure – a decision by the IRB to adopt social
issues – occurred in 1879. Republicans from Clan na Gael (who were loath to recognise
the British parliament) saw this as an opportunity to recruit the masses to agitate for Irish
self-government. This agitation, which became known as the “Land War”, became very violent
when Land Leaguers resisted evictions of tenant farmers by force and the British Army and
Royal Irish Constabulary was used against them. This upheaval eventually resulted in
the British government subsidising the sale of landlords’ estates to their tenants in
the Irish Land Acts authored by William O’Brien. It also provided a mass base for constitutional
Irish nationalists who had founded the Home Rule League in 1873. Charles Stewart Parnell
(somewhat paradoxically, a Protestant landowner) took over the Land League and used its popularity
to launch the Irish National League in 1882 as a support basis for the newly formed Irish
Parliamentary Party, to campaign for Home Rule.===Cultural nationalism===
An important feature of Irish nationalism from the late 19th century onwards was a commitment
to Gaelic Irish culture. A broad intellectual movement, the Celtic Revival, grew up in the
late 19th century. Though largely initiated by artists and writers of Protestant or Anglo-Irish
background, the movement nonetheless captured the imaginations of idealists from native
Irish and Catholic background. Periodicals such as United Ireland, Weekly News, Young
Ireland, and Weekly National Press (1891–92), became influential in promoting Ireland’s
native cultural identity. A frequent contributor, the poet John McDonald’s stated aim was “to
hasten, as far as in my power lay, Ireland’s deliverance”.Other organisations promoting
of the Irish language or the Gaelic Revival were the Gaelic League and later Conradh na
Gaeilge. The Gaelic Athletic Association was also formed in this era to promote Gaelic
football, hurling, and Gaelic handball; it forbade its members to play English sports
such as association football, rugby union, and cricket.
Most cultural nationalists were English speakers, and their organisations had little impact
in the Irish speaking areas or Gaeltachtaí, where the language has continued to decline
(see article). However, these organisations attracted large memberships and were the starting
point for many radical Irish nationalists of the early twentieth century, especially
the leaders of the Easter Rising of 1916 such as Patrick Pearse, Thomas MacDonagh, and Joseph
Plunkett. The main aim was to emphasise an area of difference between Ireland and Germanic
England, but the majority of the population continued to speak English.
The cultural Gaelic aspect did not extend into actual politics; while nationalists were
interested in the surviving Chiefs of the Name, the descendants of the former Gaelic
clan leaders, the chiefs were not involved in politics, nor noticeably interested in
the attempt to recreate a Gaelic state.===Home Rule beginnings===Although Parnell and some other Home Rulers,
such as Isaac Butt, were Protestants, Parnell’s party was overwhelmingly Catholic. At local
branch level, Catholic priests were an important part of its organisation. Home Rule was opposed
by Unionists (those who supported the Union with Britain), mostly Protestant and from
Ulster under the slogan, “Home Rule is Rome Rule.”
At the time, some politicians and members of the British public would have seen this
movement as radical and militant. Detractors quoted Charles Stewart Parnell’s Cincinnati
speech in which he claimed to be collecting money for “bread and lead”. He was allegedly
sworn into the secret Irish Republican Brotherhood in May 1882. However, the fact that he chose
to stay in Westminster following the expulsion of 29 Irish MPs (when those in the Clan expected
an exodus of nationalist MPs from Westminster to set up a provisional government in Dublin)
and his failure in 1886 to support the Plan of Campaign (an aggressive agrarian programme
launched to counter agricultural distress), marked him as an essentially constitutional
politician, though not averse to using agitational methods as a means of putting pressure on
parliament. Coinciding as it did with the extension of
the franchise in British politics – and with it the opportunity for most Irish Catholics
to vote – Parnell’s party quickly became an important player in British politics. Home
Rule was favoured by William Ewart Gladstone, but opposed by many in the British Liberal
and Conservative parties. Home Rule would have meant a devolved Irish parliament within
the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. The first two Irish Home Rule Bills were put
before the House of Commons of the United Kingdom in 1886 and 1893, but they were bitterly
resisted and the second bill ultimately defeated in the Conservative’s pro-Unionist majority
controlled House of Lords. Following the fall and death of Parnell in
1891 after a divorce crisis, which enabled the Irish Roman Catholic hierarchy to pressure
MPs to drop Parnell as their leader, the Irish Party split into two factions, the INL and
the INF becoming practically ineffective from 1892 to 1898. Only after the passing of the
Local Government (Ireland) Act 1898 which granted extensive power to previously non-existent
county councils, allowing nationalists for the first time through local elections to
democratically run local affairs previously under the control of landlord dominated “Grand
Juries”, and William O’Brien founding the United Irish League that year, did the Irish
Parliamentary Party reunite under John Redmond in January 1900, returning to its former strength
in the following September general election.===Transformation of rural Ireland===
The first decade of the twentieth century saw considerable advancement in rural economic
and social development in Ireland where 60% of the population lived. The introduction
of local self-government in 1898 created a class of experienced politicians capable of
later taking over national self-government in the 1920s. O’Brien’s attainment of the
1903 Wyndham Land Act (the culmination of land agitation since the 1880s) abolished
landlordism, and made it easier for tenant farmers to purchase lands, financed and guaranteed
by the government. By 1914, 75 per cent of occupiers were buying out their landlords’
freehold interest through the Land Commission, mostly under the Land Acts of 1903 and 1909.
O’Brien then pursued and won in alliance with the Irish Land and Labour Association and
D.D. Sheehan, who followed in the footsteps of Michael Davitt, the landmark 1906 and 1911
Labourers (Ireland) Acts, where the Liberal government financed 40,000 rural labourers
to become proprietors of their own cottage homes, each on an acre of land. “It is not
an exaggeration to term it a social revolution, and it was the first large-scale rural public-housing
scheme in the country, with up to a quarter of a million housed under the Labourers Acts
up to 1921, the majority erected by 1916”, changing the face of rural Ireland.
The combination of land reform and devolved local government gave Irish nationalists an
economic political base on which to base their demands for self-government. Some in the British
administration felt initially that paying for such a degree of land and housing reform
amounted to an unofficial policy of “killing home rule by kindness”, yet by 1914 some form
of Home Rule for most of Ireland was guaranteed. This was shelved on the outbreak of World
War I in August 1914. A new source of radical Irish nationalism
developed in the same period in the cities outside Ulster. In 1896, James Connolly, founded
the Irish Socialist Republican Party in Dublin. Connolly’s party was small and unsuccessful
in elections, but his fusion of socialism and Irish republicanism was to have a sustained
impact on republican thought. In 1913, during the general strike known as the Dublin Lockout,
Connolly and James Larkin formed a workers militia, the Irish Citizen Army, to defend
strikers from the police. While initially a purely defensive body, under Connolly’s
leadership, the ICA became a revolutionary body, dedicated to an independent Workers
Republic in Ireland. After the outbreak of the First World War, Connolly became determined
to launch an insurrection to this end.===Home Rule crisis 1912–14===
Home Rule was eventually won by John Redmond and the Irish Parliamentary Party and granted
under the Third Home Rule Act 1914. However, Irish self-government was limited by the prospect
of partition of Ireland between north and south. This idea had first been mooted under
the Second Home Rule Bill in 1893. In 1912, following the entry of the Third Home Rule
Bill through the House of Commons, unionists organised mass resistance to its implementation,
organising around the “Ulster Covenant”. In 1912 they formed the Ulster Volunteers, an
armed wing of Ulster Unionism who stated that they would resist Home Rule by force. British
Conservatives supported this stance. In addition, British officers based at the Curragh indicated
that they would be unwilling to act against the Ulster Volunteers should they be ordered
to. In response, Nationalists formed their own
paramilitary group, the Irish Volunteers, to ensure the implementation of Home Rule.
It looked for several months in 1914 as if civil war was imminent between the two armed
factions. Only the All-for-Ireland League party advocated granting every conceivable
concession to Ulster to stave off a partition amendment. Redmond rejected their proposals.
The amended Home Rule Act was passed and placed with Royal Assent on the statute books, but
was suspended after the outbreak of World War I in 1914, until the end of the war. This
led radical republican groups to argue that Irish independence could never be won peacefully
and gave the northern question little thought at all.===World War I and the Easter Rising===
The Irish Volunteer movement was divided over the attitude of their leadership to Ireland’s
involvement in World War I. The majority followed John Redmond in support of the British and
Allied war effort, seeing it as the only option to ensure the enactment of Home Rule after
the war, Redmond saying “you will return as an armed army capable of confronting Ulster’s
opposition to Home Rule”. They split off from the main movement and formed the National
Volunteers, and were among the 180,000 Irishmen who served in Irish regiments of the Irish
10th and 16th Divisions of the New British Army formed for the War.
A minority of the Irish Volunteers, mostly led by members of the Irish Republican Brotherhood
(IRB), refused to support the War and kept their arms to guarantee the passage of Home
Rule. Within this grouping, another faction planned an insurrection against British rule
in Ireland, while the War was going on. Critical in this regard were Patrick Pearse, Thomas
MacDonagh, and Thomas Clarke. These men were part of an inner circle that were operating
in secret within the ranks of the IRB to plan this rising unknown to the rest of the volunteers.
James Connolly, the labour leader, first intended to launch his own insurrection for an Irish
Socialist Republic decided early in 1916 to combine forces with the IRB. In April 1916,
just over a thousand dissident Volunteers and 250 members of the Citizen’s Army launched
the Easter Rising in the Dublin General Post Office and, in the Easter Proclamation, proclaimed
the independence of the Irish Republic. The Rising was put down within a week, at a cost
of about 500 killed, mainly unengaged civilians. Although the rising failed, Britain’s General
Maxwell executed fifteen of the Rising’s leaders, including Pearse, MacDonagh, Clarke and Connolly,
and arrested some 3000 political activists which led to widespread public sympathy for
the rebel’s cause. Following this example, physical force republicanism became increasingly
powerful and, for the following seven years or so, became the dominant force in Ireland,
securing substantial independence but at a cost of dividing Ireland.The Irish Parliamentary
Party was discredited after Home Rule had been suspended at the outbreak of World War
I, in the belief that the war would be over by the end of 1915, then by the severe losses
suffered by Irish battalions in Gallipoli at Cape Helles and on the Western Front. They
were also damaged by the harsh British response to the Easter Rising, who treated the rebellion
as treason in time of war when they declared martial law in Ireland. Moderate constitutional
nationalism as represented by the Irish Party was in due course eclipsed by Sinn Féin — a
hitherto small party which the British had (mistakenly) blamed for the Rising and subsequently
taken over as a vehicle for Irish Republicanism. Two further attempts to implement Home Rule
in 1916 and 1917 also failed when John Redmond, leader of the Irish Party, refused to concede
to partition while accepting there could be no coercion of Ulster. An Irish Convention
to resolve the deadlock was established in July 1917 by the British Prime Minister, Lloyd
George, its members both nationalists and unionists tasked with finding a means of implementing
Home Rule. However, Sinn Féin refused to take part in the Convention as it refused
to discuss the possibility of full Irish independence. The Ulster unionists led by Edward Carson
insisted on the partition of six Ulster counties from the rest of Ireland stating that the
1916 rebellion proved a parliament in Dublin could not be trusted.
The Convention’s work was disrupted in March 1918 by Redmond’s death and the fierce German
Spring Offensive on the Western Front, causing Britain to attempt to contemplate extending
conscription to Ireland. This was extremely unpopular, opposed both by the Irish Parliamentary
Party under its new leader John Dillon, the All-for-Ireland Party as well as Sinn Féin
and other national bodies. It resulted in the Conscription Crisis of 1918. In May at
the height of the crisis 73 prominent Sinn Féiners were arrested on the grounds of an
alleged German Plot. Both these events contributed to a widespread rise in support for Sinn Féin
and the Volunteers. The Armistice ended the war in November followed by elections.===Militant separatism and Irish independence
===In the General election of 1918, Sinn Féin
won 73 seats, 25 of these unopposed, or statistically nearly 70% of Irish representation, under
the British “First past the post” voting-system, but had a minority representation in Ulster.
They achieved a total of 476,087 (46.9%) of votes polled for 48 seats, compared to 220,837
(21.7%) votes polled by the IPP for only six seats, who due to the “first past the post”
voting system did not win a proportional share of seats. Unionists (including Unionist Labour)
votes were 305,206 (30.2%)The Sinn Féin MPs refused to take their seats in Westminster,
27 of these (the rest were either still imprisoned or impaired) setting up their own Parliament
called the Dáil Éireann in January 1919 and proclaimed the Irish Republic to be in
existence. Nationalists in the south of Ireland, impatient with the lack of progress on Irish
self-government, tended to ignore the unresolved and volatile Ulster situation, generally arguing
that unionists had no choice but to ultimately follow. On 11 September 1919, the British
proscribed the Dáil, it had met nine times, declaring it an illegal assembly, Ireland
being still part of the United Kingdom. In 1919, a guerilla war broke out between the
Irish Republican Army (IRA) (as the Irish Volunteers were now calling themselves) and
the British security forces (See Irish War of Independence).
The campaign created tensions between the political and military sides of the nationalist
movement. The IRA, nominally subject to the Dáil, in practice, often acted on its own
initiative. At the top, the IRA leadership, of Michael Collins and Richard Mulcahy, operated
with little reference to Cathal Brugha, the Dáil’s Minister for Defence or Éamon de
Valera, the President of the Irish Republic – at best giving them a supervisory role.
At local level, IRA commanders such as Dan Breen, Sean Moylan, Tom Barry, Sean MacEoin,
Liam Lynch and others avoided contact with the IRA command, let alone the Dáil itself.
This meant that the violence of the War of Independence rapidly escalated beyond what
many in Sinn Féin and Dáil were happy with. Arthur Griffith, for example, favoured passive
resistance over the use of force, but he could do little to affect the cycle of violence
between IRA guerrillas and Crown forces that emerged over 1919–1920. The military conflict
produced only a handful of killings in 1919, but steadily escalated from the summer of
1920 onwards with the introduction of the paramilitary police forces, the Black and
Tans and Auxiliary Division into Ireland. From November 1920 to July 1921, over 1000
people lost their lives in the conflict (compared to c.400 up to then).==Present day==
Northern Ireland is not a part of the Republic, but it has a nationalist minority who would
prefer to be part of a united Ireland. In Northern Ireland, the term “nationalist” is
used to refer either to the Catholic population in general or the supporters of the moderate
Social Democratic and Labour Party. “Nationalism” in this restricted meaning refers to a political
tradition that favours an independent, united Ireland achieved by non-violent means. The
more militant strand of nationalism, as espoused by Sinn Féin, is generally described as “republican”
and was regarded as somewhat distinct, although the modern-day party claims to be a constitutional
party committed to exclusively peaceful and democratic means.
56% of Northern Irish voters voted for the United Kingdom to remain a part of the European
Union in the 23 June 2016 Referendum in which the country as a whole voted to leave the
union. The results in Northern Ireland were influenced by fears of a strong border between
Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland as well as by fears of a hard border breaking
the Good Friday Agreement.==Organisations (1791–present)==
19th Century Irish Confederation
Irish National Invincibles Irish Parliamentary Party20th century 32 County Sovereignty Movement
Blueshirts Clann na Poblachta
Communist Party of Ireland Continuity Irish Republican Army
Cumann na nGaedheal Fianna Fáil
Fine Gael Irish Independence Party
Irish National Liberation Army Irish People’s Liberation Organisation
Irish Republican Army (1919–22) Irish Republican Army (1922–69)
Irish Republican Socialist Party Official Irish Republican Army
People’s Democracy Provisional Irish Republican Army
Real Irish Republican Army Republican Congress
Republican Sinn Féin Saor Éire
Saor Éire (1967–75) Saor Uladh
Social Democratic and Labour Party Workers’ Party of Ireland21st century Irish Republican Liberation Army
National Party New Irish Republican Army
Óglaigh na hÉireann Republican Network for Unity
Saoradh==See also==
Roger Casement Erskine Childers
Molly Childers Thomas Clarke
James Connolly Michael Corcoran
Thomas Davis Kevin Izod O’Doherty
Michael Doheny Charles Gavan Duffy
James Fintan Lalor Sean MacDiarmada
Thomas MacDonagh Terence MacManus
Eoin MacNeill John Martin
Thomas Francis Meagher John Mitchel
D. P. Moran Jeremiah O’Donovan Rossa
John Dooley Reigh Patrick O’Donoghue
Patrick Pearse John Edward Pigot
Thomas Devin Reilly Irish Race Conventions
Protestant Irish nationalists Cultural imperialism
Welsh nationalism Scottish nationalism
Cornish nationalism Celtic League
List of active autonomist and secessionist movements==
Primary references====
Secondary references====
Further reading==Brundage, David. Irish Nationalists in America:
The Politics of Exile, 1798–1998 (Oxford UP, 2016). x, 288
Boyce, D. George. Nationalism in Ireland, 1982.
Campbell, F. Land and Revolution,2005 Cronin, Sean. Irish Nationalism: Its Roots
and Ideology, 1980. Edwards, Ruth Dudley, Patrick Pearse: The
Triumph of Failure, 1977. Elliot, Marianne, Wolfe Tone, 1989.
English, Richard. Irish Freedom, 2008. Garvin, Tom. The Evolution of Irish Nationalist
Politics, 1981; Nationalist Revolutionaries in Ireland, 1858-1928, 1987
Kee, Robert. The Green Flag, 1976. MacDonagh, Oliver. States of Mind, 1983
McBride, Lawrence. Images, Icons, and the Irish Nationalist Imagination, 1999.
McBride, Lawrence. Reading Irish Histories, 2003.
Maume, Patrick. The Long Gestation, 1999. Moran, Sean Farrell. Patrick Pearse and the
Politics of Redemption, 1994. Nelson, Bruce. Irish Nationalists and the
Making of the Irish Race. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2012.
Strauss, E. Irish Nationalism and British Democracy, 1951.
O’Farrell, Patrick. Ireland’s English Question, 1971.
Phoenix, E. Northern Nationalism, Ward, Margaret. Unimaginable Revolutionaries:
Women and Irish Nationalism, 1983==External links==
Irish Nationalism (Archived 2009-10-31) – ninemsn Encarta (short introduction)

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